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SAMUEL G. FRENCH. 



TWO WAES 



AUTOBIOGRAPHY 



OF 



GEN. SAMUEL G. FRENCH, 

An Officer in the Armies of the United States and the Confederate Stab,. 
A Graduate from the U. S. Military Academy, West Point, 184S. 



' MEXICAN WAR; 
WAR BETWEEN THE STATES, A DIARY; 
RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD, HIS EXPERIENCE ; 
INCIDENTS, REMINISCENCES, ETC. 



Nashville, Tenn.: 

Confederate Veteran 

1901. 



The library of 
oongress, 

Two Copies Receivfo 

NOV, 21 190? 

COPVRIOHT ENTRV ' 

OUASS fiVXXa No. 

% f S- 2 S" 
copy a J 



E 4-47 
•I 

F nTi 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1901, 

By Samuel g. French, 
In tlie office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington 



THIS VOLUME is DEDICATED 
TO 

MY WIFE AND CHILDREN, 

AM' TO 

THE CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS 

WHO BATTLED WITH THE INVAD- 
ING FOE TO PROTECT OUR HOMES 
AND MAINTAIN THE CAUSE FOR 
WHICH OLIVER CROMWELL AND 
GEORGE WASHINGTON FOUGHT. 



PREFACE. 

Some years ago, when living on an orange grove at Winter Park, 
it occurred to me that my idle time might be usefully employed in 
transcribing from memoranda and my diary many incidents of my 
life for preservation in one manuscript for my children. This was 
continued at intervals until it became as here presented. It was 
mainly discontinued after my children became old enough to ob- 
serve passing events for themselves. 

But inasmuch as a few books have been published containing 
errors in describing some military operations in which I partici- 
pated, justice to the troops under my command induces me to 
publish my account of them as recorded when they occurred. 

This volume, then, is a simple narrative of passing events, with- 
out discussing their importance and bearing politically in shaping 
the destiny of the nation. 

Although my lot was cast with the South, and whatever may be 
my opinion of the action of the North before, during, and after 
the war as expressed in these pages, I am as loyal to the Constitu- 
tion and as ready to uphold and maintain the rights and dignity 
of the United States as any man within its boundary ; and this 
was evidenced when I tendered my services, as a soldier, to the 
President before war was declared against Spain. 

I do not know that I am indebted to any person, except Joseph 
M. Brown, of Marietta, Ga., a son of Gov. Joseph E. Brown, 
for what I have written, and to him I make acknowledgment for 
obligations. The Author. 

Pensacola, Kin.. Maj 1. 1899. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Of all forms of history, a good autobiography is the most pleas- 
ing and attractive. If the writer has been a prominent and re- 
sponsible participant in great events, if high character warrants 
his faithfulness to truth, and if the events of which he writes are 
in themselves of great historic value, his autobiography will pos- 
sess a peculiar charm and interest for every intelligent reader. 

The generation that recalls from memory the events of our his- 
tory connected with the admission of the great State of Texas into 
the American Union and the war with Mexico which followed 
has nearly all gone. Here and there a strong man survives whose 
memory is clear and whose conscience is true. To hear him talk 
of these events, or to read after him as he writes of the universal 
excitement in the country — the angry debates in Congress, the op- 
position to the admission of Texas, and to the war with Mexico, 
the brilliant campaign of Taylor, the battles of Palo Alto, Resaca 
de la Palma, Monterey, and Buena Vista — is to enjoy history in its 
most attractive form. The historian who has been an active par- 
ticipant in the events of which he writes, whose passions have been 
cooled by age, and whose judgment has been disciplined by long- 
years of experience and reflection enjoys an immense advantage. 
However we may disagree with him in his criticisms upon the con- 
duct of men or upon their motives, if he be a man of high and 
true character, we enjoy the greatest satisfaction in accepting his 
positive statements as to facts which represent his own actions and 
experiences. 

Gen. French is such a historian. The clear, natural, dispas- 
sionate style of his book — its freedom from bitterness, the tender- 
ness with which he dwells upon the history of his classmates at 
West Point, several of whom became distinguished generals in the 
Federal army (Grant, Franklin, Ingalls, and Quinby) — all these 
characteristics of his autobiography soon win the confidence of the 
reader. 



viii Introduction. 

For the general reader of to-day. and especially for the survivors 
of the Confederate Army, Gen. French's autobiography will pos- 
sess peculiar interest. The writer lias enjoyed the opportunity of 
reading the advance sheets of the book only through the accounl 
of the battle of Allatoona, which was fought October .">. 1864, bu1 
as Gen. French participated in the campaign of Gen. Hood up to 
its predestined disaster at Nashville, the autobiography will be 
read with more than usual interest by students of the ill-starred 
march into Tennessee and the battles of Franklin and Nashville. 

The venerable author of "Two Wars"' has been an able and gal- 
lant soldier of his country, and the simple and graphic manner in 
which he writes of his distinguished services, and relates the greal 
events in which he bore a faithful part, entitle his book to the con- 
fidence of his countrymen. It is a most valuable addition to our 
country's history, and a book which will be of permanent use in 
the stud}- of our great Confederate struggle. 

Ellison Capers. 

Columbia, S. C, July 1 i ■ . 



~&- 



COXTKNTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Page 
Ancestry— Thomas Ffrench— Military Aspiration Important Docu- 
ment—Appointment to West Point New Jersey Farm Life— Great 
Changes— A Heal Yankee — Pennsylvania Hall— The Fashions— < !ap- 
ture of a Hessian Soldier — Rufus Choate and Bishop Wain wright- 
West Point— Cadet Lif< — Senator Wall— John F. Reynolds— The 
Boycott— Rufus Ingalls— Requisites of a Commander 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Graduation — Commissioned Brevet Second Lieutenant, U. S. A. — Or- 
dered to Fort Macon, X. C. — Goldsboro— Journey to Beaufort — 
Officers at the Fort— Life in a Casemate— Stormy Atlantic— That 
( >yster Supper The Wandering < lot— Adieu to Fort Macon — Jour- 
ney to Washington— Lieuts. George H. Thomas and John Pope— 
Weldon, X. C— Go to West Point— Prof. Morse— First Dispatch- 
Hope Club, Washington— Dinner Given by Surgeon General Law- 
son— Appointed Aid to Gen. Scott— British Gold— Col. S. Churchill 
—Integrity of Old Army Officers— Leave Washington for Fort Mc- 
Henry— Society in Baltimor* — Chief Justice Taney 20 

CHAPTER III. 

Death of Hon. A. P. Upshur. Secretary of State— Calhoun Appointed 
— Treaty of Annexation of Texas— Declaration of the State of Mas- 
sachusetts—Texas Accepts the Resolution of Annexation— Forma- 
tion of Army of Occupation — Transf erred toMaj. S. Ringgold's Bat- 
tery of Horse Artillery— Officers Sail for Aransas Pass — The Wicked 
Captain — Becalmed — Cross Bahama Banks — Key West — Out of 
Drinking Water — Fare on Board Ship — Storm — Aransas Pass— St. 
Joseph's Island— Maj. Ringgold's Cook— Embark for Corpus Chris- 
ti— Game and Fish — Horse Racing— White Horse of the Prairies- 
Trip to San Antonio — The Town— Incidents of the Trip 30 

CHAPTER IV. 

President of Mexico Resigns, and Paredes Is Elected— Mexican Troops 
Concentrating at Matamoras— Taylor Marches to the Rio Grande- 
Rattlesnakes— Mirage— Wild Horses — Taylor Concentrates His 
Troops at Arroyo, Colo.— Bull Fight— Mexicans Flee— Taylor Goes 
to Point Isabel— Join Gen. Worth— Field Works— Arrival of Gen. 
Ampudia— Orders Taylor to Leave— Taylor Declines— Col. Cross 
Murdered— Lieut. Porter Killed— Gen. Arista Arrives— Declares 
Hostilities Commenced— Capts. Thornton and Hardee Captured. . . . 41 



x Contexts. 

CHAPTER V. 

Page 
Arista and His Cavalry— United States Excited — Two Hundred Thou- 
sand Men Offer Their Services— Congress Declares ••War Existed 
by the Acts of the Mexican Republic" — Taylor Marches to Point 
Isabel — Bombardment of Fort Brown -Capts. May and Walker — 
Taylor Marches for Matamoras— Battle of Palo Alto — Victory — 
Arista Falls Back to Resaca — Battle of Resaca — Capture of Ene- 
mies' Batteries — Capts. May and Ridgely — Gen. ha Vega Captured 
— His Sword Presented"to Taylor — Duncan and Ridgely Pursue the 
Enemy — I Capture La Vega's Aid— Col. Mcintosh — Hide over the 
Field of Palo Alto— Death of Lieuts. Chadburne and Stevens — We 
Take Possession of Matamoras — (Ten. Twiggs Appointed Governor 
— Twiggs and Jesus Maria — Arrival of Gens. W. 0. Butler. Roberl 
Patterson, Pillow, and Others — Promoted to Second Lieutenant — 
Officers of the Company — March to Camargo — Thence to Monterey 
— Seralvo — Arrival at Monterey 47 

CHAPTER VI. 

Monterey — Population — Gen. Ampudia — Gen. Worth— ( lapturea Fort 
Battery in a Hot Place — Bragg's Order Countermanded — Two 
Long-Haired Texans— Capture the Bishop's Palace — Our Battery 
Ordered to the East End of the City — Gens. Taylor and Quitman — 
Street Fighting — Gen. Ampudia Surrenders — Gen. Worth, Gov. 
Henderson, and Col. Jefferson Davis Commissioners — Enter the 
City— Dine with a Mexican Gentleman — Death of Ridgely — Hot 
Springs — Santa Anna President — Victoria Surrenders Gen. Scott 
—Vera Cruz -Return to Monterey — Death of Lieut. Richey — Inves 
filiation of Richey's Death— Monterey — Saltillo — Agua Xueva — 
( .en. Wool - Santa Anna Advances Majs. Borland and Gaines Cap- 
tured Taylor Falls Back to Buena Vista Mexican Army — Am 
Wounded— The Hacienda — Cavalry Fight with Mexican Lancers 
— Flag of Truce — Victory — ( iarried to Saltillo 01 

CHAPTER VII. 

Drs. T. C. Madison. V. S. A., and G. M. Provost — Surgical Operation 
— Courtesy of a Mexican Woman — Leave Saltillo — Paltry Escort 
Safe at Monterey— The Rio Grande— Maj. W. W. H. Davis- New 
Orleans — Gen. Pillow — Col. Mcintosh — Bailey Beyton and Sergeanl 
S. Prentiss — Drunk by Absorption — Steamer for Louisville — Racing 
on the River — Trip to Pittsburg, Pa. — By Canal Boat to Harrisburg 
— Home — Report to the Adjutant General — Go to Trenton. N. J. — 
Presentation of a Sword — Go to Washington— John W. Forney's 
Bargain with Secretary Buchanan— Cap t. A.W.Reynolds — Sent to 
Tr>>y. X. Y — Gen. Wool — Leave Buffalo— Toledo— To Cincinnati by 
Canal— Society in Cincinnati — Appointed Captaia~and Assistant 
Quartermaster — Start for Washington— Cross the Alleghany Moun- 
tains by stage— Six Commissions in United States Army — Recep- 
tion by Gen. Jesup— < 'apt. Rufus Ingalls 85 



Contexts. xi 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Page 
Ordered to New Orleans— Baton Rouge— Col. W. \Y. S. Bliss— Maj. 
J. H. Eaton— Maj. R. S. Garnett — Taylor Nominated for President 
— Return to New Orleans— Ordered to Vicksburg— "Gen." Mc- 
Macken, the Prince of Landlords— Bishop Polk — Sen! to Mobile — 
Regular Army at East Pascagoula, Miss.— Gen. Twiggs and His Fi- 
ancee — Sail for Galveston — Galveston — Houston — Austin — Troops 
Sent to Establish Posts, now Cities— San Antonio— Death of Gen. 
Worth — El Paso— Return to San Antonio— New Orleans—Call on 
Gen. Twiggs — Twiggs and Tree — Sword Presented to Mi — Dine at 
the President's — Death of President Taylor— Fillmore President 
Capt. Ringgold. U. S. X.— Ordered to Louisville — Return to Wash- 
ington—Col. Joseph Taylor— Gen. W. O. Butler— Maj. Gaines Cin- 
cinnati — Salmon P. ( base 96 

CHAPTER IX. 

January. 1851, Ordered to El Paso— ('apt. Sitgreaves — Sail for Ha- 
vana — Barnum and Jennie Land — Sail for New < Orleans By Steam- 
er to Galveston — On the Gulf for Indianola — San Antonio Report 
of Expedition — Unprecedented March without Water Indians— 
With Gen. Jesup— Hartford Convention — Battles on the Canadian 
Frontier— Gov. W. P. Duval (Ralph Ringwood) United States Sen- 
ators — Clay's Magnetism — His Duel with John Randolph— Lieut. 1!. 
F. Stockton. United States Navy, Duel with English Officers at Gi- 
braltar — John Howard Payne Commodore Van Rensselaer Mor- 
gan — My Marriage Assigned to Fort Smith, Ark.— Trips to Wash- 
ita. Fort Gibson. andTowson — Choctaws and Cherokees— John Ross 
— Journey from Fort Smith to Natchez, Miss.— A Misanthrope — 
Gen. John A. Quitman— Death of Mrs. Roberts — Tender My Resig- 
nation — Go to My Plantation — Go to San Antonio — Death of Mrs. 
French — Sail for Europe — John Brown's Raid 107 

CHAPTER X. 

Canada, Boston, Rye Beach — Antislavery Party Nominates Lincoln 
for President — His Election Evidence of Hostility to the South — Mis- 
sissippi Secedes — Gov. Pettus — Appointed Colonel and Chief of Ord- 
nance in the Army of the State of Mississippi — State Had No Arms 
— Governor Sends an Agent to Europe to Purchase Arms — Labor- 
atory for Making Ammunition — Flannel and Paper to Make Car- 
tridges—Cartridges and Horse Collars — Only Old Flint Muskets — 
Old Shotguns — Governor Objects to the State Troops Going out of 
the State — Visit Home— Am Offered the Appointment of Brigadier 
General, Confederate States of America 135 

CHAPTER XI. 

Leave for Richmond — Ordered to Evansport, Va., to Blockade the Po- 
tomac — Worthless Ammunition — Forces on the Maryland Shore — 



xii Contents. 

Paoe 
Constant Firing AH Winter — Orders to Fall Back to Fredericksburg 
— " Come to Richmond Immediately " — Orders from Gen. Lee — New 
Berne Falls — Relieve Branch at Kinston Ordered to Wilming- 
ton—Build Defenses — F«>rt Fisher Constructed — Col. William Lamb 
in Command -Running the Blockade — Whitworth (inns — July IT. 
L862, Placed in Command of the Department of North Carolina and 
Southern Virginia— Defend a Fine from the Appomattox t<> Cape 
Fear- .Inly 81, Shell Gen. McClellan's Army — Constructed Defenses 
of Petersburg Battle of Fredericksburg — Pelham- President Calls 
for Me Gen. Lee's Considerate Conduct — Gen. Foster al Tarboro, 
N C. — He Interviews an Old Darky — Railroad Bridge at Golds- 
boro, N. ('.. Burned Weak Defense Made— How I Gol Supplies 
from Suffolk — Mrs. Johnston and Gen. Viele Was Fannie Cooper 
a Spy? Martial Law Sidney Lanier -Flag of Truce Boats — Ex- 
change of Prisoners 140 

CHAPTER XII. 

Telegram from Secretary of War — (Jo to Richmond Declined Going 
to Vicksburg Gen. Longstreet — He Siaris tor Suffolk Suffolk — 
Capture of :i Fort and ( rarrison — No Reporl Made of the Capture — 
Statemenl of Lieut. George Reese — Longstreet Ordered to, Join Lee 
Dispatches -Battle of Chancellorsville— Withdraw from Suffolk 
An [mpertinenl Not< — Court of Inquiry Asked for and Refused — 
Possible Resull Had Longstreei Obeyed Orders— Tew Dispatches to 
Longstreet — ( )rders to Report to Gen. Johnston L59 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Leave Petei'sburg for Jackson, Miss. — Visit Home — My Division Com- 
posed of the Brigades of Gens. Maxey, Evans, and McNair — Ex- 
traordinary ( lorrespondence between Gen. Johnston and Presidenl 
Davis — Movements to Attack Grant at Vicksburg Fall of Vicks- 
burg— Retreal to Jackson —Siege of Jackson Visit Home Negro 
Troops Surround the House — Narrow Escape -Vandalism — Johns- 
ton 'takes ( lommand of the Army of Tennessee Polk in ( iommand 
<>f Army of Mississippi — A ( !ourt of Inquiry Thai WasNol Held -My 
Division at Meridian — President Davis Jackson Burned -Sher- 
man's Advance on Meridian — Ordered to Mobile— Polk Crossing 
Tombigbee Liver lie 1> Slow to Move Go to Demopolis— Mr. 
Founier — Sent to Lauderdale — Tuscaloosa — Montevallo Leach 
Rome — Fight at Lome Join Gen. Johnston at Cassv ille L78 

CHAPTER XIV. 

I assville The Line of Battk — Hood's Line Not Enfiladed History of 
That < 'on fere nee — Two Lieutenant Generals Invite Their. ( 'on inland- 
er to a < louncil of War — Johnston ( )bliged to Fall Hack -We < Iross 
the Etowah Liver Dallas New Hope Church Constant Fighting 
— Lain. Lain Death of Lieut. Gen. l'olk Battle of the Latimer 



Contents. xiii 

Paoe 

House -My Division Occupies Little and Big Kennesaw Mountains 
The Battle Incidents of the Battle Confederates Save Wounded 
Union Soldiers from Burning Kennesaw During Nighl Bombard- 
ment- Col. Martin's Noble< londuct— The Irony of Fate -Maj. Poten 
and French Soldier !'••<> 

CHAPTER XV. 

Our Army Falls Hark from Kennesaw Confederate "Rebel Yell" 
Occupy Works on the Chattahoochee River A. I'. Stewart Ap- 
pointed Lieutenant General— Assumes Command of the Army of 
Mississippi Texas Brigade Fight to Obtain Tools We Cross the 
Chattahoochee Arrival of Gen. B. Bragg Gen. Johnston Relieved 
— President Davis's Remark about Relieving Johnston from Com- 
mand Johnston's Policy versus Hood's Battle of Peachtree Creek 
We Occupy Atlanta Battle of Atlanta S. D. Lee Assigned to 
Command of Hoods Corps— Gen. Ector Wounded Capt. Ward 
Killed— Battle of July 28, L864 I Apply to Be Relieved from Serv- 
ing with Hood Gen. M. Jeff Thompson Condition of the Camps 
of United States Troops— Evidence of the Terrible Fire of Small 
Arms— Evacuation of Atlanta Jonesboro and Lovejoy's Station. . ~IVZ 

CHAPTER XVI. 

From Lovejoy's to Lost Mountain Big Shanty Acworth Destroy- 
ing Railroad— In the Rear of Sherman situation of the Two Ar- 
mies- Orders to Destroy the Etowah River Bridgi — To Fill Up the 
Railroad Cu< at Allatoona Hood Not Aware that Allatoona Was 
Fortified and Garrisoned March to Allatoona Summons to Sur- 
render No Answer— Gen. Corse's Report Erroneous The Fortifi- 
cations- Strength of Forces Equalization of Forces Some Feder- 
al Dispatches ''.'lie Battle Corse's Accounl Col. Ludlow's De- 
scription—Desperate Fighting The .Main Line Captured— Enemy 
Driven into an Interior Fort — Dispatches from Gen. Armst rong Re- 
specting Movements of the Enemy at Big Shanty— Withdraw to 
Avoid Being Surrounded by Converging Forces— Corse's Dispatch 
to Sherman — Provisions— Confederates Three Days and Nights with- 
out Rest or Sleep — Pass by the Enemy— Evangelist P. V. Bliss 
Writes the (Gospel) Hymn. "Hold the Fort "- Hood and His Erro- 
neous Publications in His Book — His Admiration for Corse— My Ad- 
miration for the Confederates— -The Soldier's Grave— The Lone 
Grave—Lieut. (Jen. A. P. Stew art's Note in Regard to This Accounl 
of the Battle m 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Return from Allatoona — Hood's Deportment— Cross the Coosa Riv- 
er — Devasfation around Rome— Rome Burned — Garrison of Kesaca 

Refuses to Surrender— Capture of the Seventeenth Iowa Regi o1 

atTilton — Dalton Taken — Dug Gap — Dinner of Roasting Ears— Sup- 



xiv Coy TENTS. 

Pai;e 

per— ( !aptured Officersare Jolly Good Fellows — Gadsden — Encamp- 
ment ;tt Mrs. Sanson's — Her Daughter a Guide for Gen. Forrest 
when He Captured Gen. Streight — Cross the Black Warrior River 
and Sand Mountains — Decatur — Some Fighting at Decatur — Gen. 
Beauregard with Hood — Beautiful Valley of the Tennessee made 
Desolate by War — Tuscumbia — Dreary March to Columbia, Bain 
and Snow — Stewart's and Cheatham's Corps Cross Duck River en 
Route to Spring Hill — Hood Slept — Schofield Passed By — Pursue 
Schofield to Franklin — Battle of Franklin — Incidents — Remarkable 
Order for a Second Assault at Night — Losses in My Two Brigades 
— Exchange of Prisoners Stopped ■. . . . 285 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

March to Nashville — Cold Weather — Partial Investment of the City- 
Leave of Absence — Turn the Command Over to Brig. Gen. C. W. 
Sears — Battle of Nashville — Hood Not Physically Able for the Du- 
ties of a Commander in Want of All Supplies — Marshal Saxe — Mulai 
Malek — Going to Nashville a Failure: Could Not Be Otherwise 
Leave for Columbus, Ga. — Marriage to Mary Fontaine Abercrombie 
— Go to Meriwether County to Avoid Wilson'sRaid — Robbing in Co- 
lumbus — Adventures of My Orderly — Yankees Raid the Houses 
Gen. A. Had No Pies — Gens. Lee and Johnston Surrender — Terms 
Thereof— War with the Musket Ends 302 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Aspect of the Country at Termination of the War — The Returned Con- 
federate Soldier — Car] >et 'naggers — Lincoln's Vow — His Proclama- 
tion Concerning Confiscation of Slaves — How the Slaves Were Le- 
gally Liberated — Lincoln Murdered — Johnson President — His Thirst 
for Vengeance -••Treason" to Be Made Odious — Grant Declared 
That the Paroles Must Not Be Violated— Cost of a Bill of Dry Goods 
in Confederate Money in 1864— Leave Columbus for Greenville. 
Miss. —Desolate Home — TheGood Israelite — Return to Columbus — 
I Go with Mrs. French to Mississippi — Traveling Incognito a Fail- 
ure — Journey to New York in 1S()5 — Incidents of My Mother and 
Child When They Went North — Home Confiscated — Edward Coup 
er's Kind Ad No One Would Touch Mother's Trunks — Copy of 
a Contracl in 1865, Whereby I Obtained Funds— People under Espi- 
onage at the North Return to the Plantation — Northern Plan to 
Terminate the War 310 

CHAPTER XX. 

Freedmen's Bureau — Gen. ( ). (). Howard. Commissioner— Platform 
for Reconstruction — Ironclad Oath — Natural Rights of Man — Civil 
Rights — Negroes Made Citizens — Persecution — Agents of Freed- 
men's Bureau — Personal Experience — Negro Justices Some Trials 



Contests. xv 

Page 

— Judge Shackelford— Secret Societies— William A. Sharkey— Gov. 
Adelbert Ames— Sheriff Webber — Taxes — Board of Levee Commis- 
sioners Dismissed — Religious Negroes — Bishop Wilmer — Prayers 
for the President — Shotgun Election — Hegira — Carpetbaggers — In- 
dissoluble Union — Indestructible States— We Were a Conquered Na- 
tion — Reconstruction Only a Definition for Deeds Done — Strength 
of Respective Armies 328 



APPENDIX. 

S< >m e Statistics of the War 353 

Percentage Killed and Wounded in Late Wars 355 

Slave Owners in the Confederate Army 355 

Prison Deaths and Prisoners 357 

The Authority to Tax 358 

Cost of the War 359 

Naval Power of the United States 359 

Names, Rank, and Positions of Officers on My Staff 359 

Government in Louisiana, 1875-76 360 

Violation of Paroles 365 

Cassville 367 

Slavery Proclamation and Confiscation Act 383 

Indenture 385 

Our Unknown Dead 402 



ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, ETC. 

P.^GE 

Samuel G. French Frontispiece 

Plan op Battle < >f Resa< a. Mex 52 

Plan < >F Battle < >f M< >nterey, Mex 63 - 

Map of the Country near Buena Vista 75 

Plan < if Battle of Buena Vista 79 

John C. French 119 

Jefferson Davis 141 

Robert E. Lee 171 

J< >seph E. Johnston ITU 

Leonedas Polk 191 

Map of Cas^ville 197 

Map of New Hope Church, (7a 200 

Map of Battle of Kennesaw Mountain, Jene 27. 18(34 204 

Battle of Kennesaw Mountain 207 

A. P. Stewart ' 213 

Map of Atlanta Campaign 224 

F. M. COCKRELL 227 

Capture of Blockhouse, Allatoona ('keek. October 5. ism 231 

Maj. 1). W. Sanders 235 

M LP OF FORTIFICA HONS, Alia ioona. Ga 242 

Battle < >f Ai.la ioona 250 

Signal Tree, Allatoona, October 5, isoi 254 

Battle of Allatoona— Capitke of Redoubt "R" 259 

Railroad Cut, Allatoona 269 

Joseph M. Brown 279 

The Lon e ( i bav e 282 

M LP i >F Battle c >f Franklin 293 

Julius L. Brown 303 

The Indenture 386 

The INDENTURE (reverse side) 390 

Henry Ward Beecher Selling Slaves 393 

Joseph F. Brown 399 



TWO WARS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Ancestry -Thomas Ffrench— Military Aspiration— Importanl Document 
—Appointment to Wesl Point New Jersey Farm Life— Great Changes— 
A Real Yankee — Pennsylvania Hall— The Fashions- Capture of a Hes- 
sian Soldier— Rufus Choate and Bishop Wainwright — West Point — 
Cadet Life — Senator Wall— John F. Reynolds— The Boycott — Rufus 
Ingalls — Requisites of a Commander. 

INASMUCH as the government of this country cannot grant 
any title to nobility, nor can it be conferred by any foreign 
power, the people of the United States have, to gratify a natural 
pride, been obliged to obtain distinction in various ways. Among 
them may be mentioned the accumulation of money, political 
preferment, the pride of ancestry, and professional attainments. 

The pride of ancestry is a very laudable one, and no doubt it 
has a giiiding influence in shaping the destiny of our lives. We 
discover it in the honor felt by the members of such societies as 
those of the Colonial wars, the Cincinnati, Sons of the Revolu- 
tion, Aztec Club, Sons of Veterans, and many others. And it 
is true: "Those will not look forward to their posterity who 
never look backward to their ancestors." 

Of the countless millions of human beings who in successive 
generations have passed over the stage of life, most of them, on 
their exit, have sunk into oblivion. The names of twenty-seven 
ate all that are known of the human family from man's creation 
down to the days of Noah. 

From the deluge to the present time a few men of great gen- 
ius as poets, historians, warriors, conquerors, and criminals 
claim general recognition from mankind. All others are rele- 
gated or consigned to the special history of a people, and thereby 
rescued from an otherwise oblivion. As individuals they per- 
ish. 

I am quite sure we are more indebted to Bos well for a true 
insight into the life and character of Samuel Johnson than we 
are to his writings, and there is the utmost interest attached to 
the home life of all the world's great actors. Even as late as our 



2 Two Wars. 

revolutionary war we find much interest in the part played by 
the fashionable ladies during the war, and gossip of the Wistar 

parties, and card parties of New York and Philadelphia. From 
the "Mischianza " * we have a clear insight to the true and o-entle 
character of Major Andre and his accomplishments; and the 
beauty of some of the Quaker City Welles. 

Now in consideration of the desire of every gentleman to have 
a knowledge of his ancestry, and some knowledge of the times 
in which they lived, I purpose for the benefit of my children to 
write down somewhat of things I have seen and a part of which 
1 was, and to make mention of some of the famous men with 
whom I have been acquainted during the eventful years between 
L839 and the presenl time (1895). 

As 1 was an officer in the United States army from L843 to 
L856, and a major general in the Confederate army, I purpose 
to relate some of the events of the Mexican and Confederate 
wars in the course of this narrative. 

1 was horn in the county of Gloucester, State of Xew Jersey, 
on November 22, lsis. My father's name was Samuel French, 
whose ancestry in this country runs hack to Thomas French, 
who descended from one of the oldest and most honorable of 
English families. The Ffrenches were Normans and went to 
England with William the Conqueror. In after days some of 
the family went with Strongbow, the Karl of Pembroke, when 
he invaded Ireland and "laid waste the country, reducing 
everything to subjection,'* whereby they gained great posses- 
sions. Thomas Ffrench, who was a descendant of the Norman 
Ffrenchs, was. as the register shows, baptized in thechurch now 
standing in Nether Hayford, North Hamptonshire, in the year 
1537. The painting of that church you have. 

A direct descendant of the aforesaid Thomas Ffrench, also 
named Thomas Ffrench. an adherent of the Church of England, 
for some reason abandoned it and became a member of the So- 
ciety of Friends (Quakers), and for this apostasy was persecu- 
ted and imprisoned. To escape the persecution he sailed to tin; 
colonies, and when he returned to England he became "one of 
the landed proprietors of West New Jersey in America." 

••■A fete given by Maj. Andre in Philadelphia, May. 1778, in houorof Sir 

William H<>\\ e. 



An Important Document. 3 

Taking passage for himself, wife, and nine children, he landed 
in Burlington, West New Jersey, on the 23d of July, 1680, O. S. 

In 1664 Charles II. granted to his brother, the Duke of York, 
the territory along our coast north of the mouth of the Dela- 
ware river. The duke sold the land lying between the Delaware 
and Hudson rivers to the forty-first degree of north latitude to 
Lord John Berkeley and Sir John Cartaret, who named it NVu 
Cresarea. or New Jersey. They. divided it into East and Wesl 
Jersey; but later, the grant being unsatisfactory to the king, 
owing to conflicting claims of the proprietors and their heirs, 
James in L689 compelled them to surrender or sell their claims 
to the crown, and all were embodied in one province. New Jer- 
sey. Thomas French, under these proceedings, signed the arti- 
cles relinquishing to the king his proprietary privileges to the 
one-ninetieth of the one-eighth of West Jersey. Thus New Jer- 
sey became a royal colony after the king bought the rights of the 
proprietors. Sir John Carteret named the land purchased New 
Jersey because he had been governor of the Isle of Jersey off 
the coast of France in the English Channel. 

My mother's name was Rebecca Clark. She was born January 
1. L7:m>. at Billingsport, on the banks of the Delaware river, in 
New Jersey. She was married to my father on the 3d day of 
( )«tober, 1816. The names of their children were: Garret, Sam- 
uel G., Charles C. John ('., Sallie ('., and George W. 

Passing from family records, I will now revert to myself, and 
will endeavor to show what creatures of circumstances most men 
are. One day, when a boy (aged about eight years ), my father 
left me at a stoic in Market Street, near Water Street. Philadel- 
phia, Pa. , where he usually obtained his family groceries. Over 
the door of that store was a modest signboard, and od it was 
painted the names, Hamilton and Hood. Mr. Hood was always 
kind to me, and usually gave me a paper of candy or other 
sweetmeats. /On this particular occasion, it being a rainy day, 
I was left there alone with Mr. Hood, and 1 remember now — 
although near seventy years have passed— what there and then 
occurred. Eating candies and playing about in the store, I dis- 
covered hanging in the office a picture of a young person (full- 
size bust ,') clad in a gray coat, with three rows of round brass 
buttons thereon, braided horizontally. From some cause it 
riveted my boyish attention. After looking ; ,t it for some time, 



4 Two Wars. 

I exclaimed: "Who is that?" Mr. Hood replied: "That is my 
son." "What is he dressed so fine for?" I asked. Mr. Hood 
then told me his son was a cadet at the United States military 
academy ;it West Point: that he was at school there. Dancing 
around. I said: "I want togotothat school too." The response 
was. "Only a few boys can go to that school: to get there the 
boy's father must have influence with the President, and get an 
appointment from him, jjetc. I still looked at the picture, and 
I can see it to-day as I did then. It will never be effaced. As 
years rolled on. and I knew nothing about West Point, except 
that it was not open to all applicants, it was fading away in my 
mind, until one day when passing along Chestnut Street I saw in 
the window of a clothing house a large picture of the cadets of 
the United States military academy on dress parade. I gazed 
on it a very long time, oblivious to all around me. calling to 
mind only the remarks made to me by Mr. Hood; on these I 
pondered long, and made some inquiries, and finally resolved to 
make an effort to get an appointment to the academy. -On en- 
tering school, kept by the Rev. Samuel Aaron in Burlington, 
N. J., my roommate was a boy named Duer, who was from 
Pennsylvania. One day he opened his trunk and showed me his 
appointment as a cadet to the United States Military Academy. 
I told him I wanted to go there also, and questioned him about 
how he obtained the appointment. It was the same story that 
Mr. Hood had told me when I was almost a child. Put, un- 
daunted by the requirements, I resolved to act for myself, for 
ii]) to this time I had not mentioned the subject to either my 
father or mother, because the former belonged to the Society of 
Friends, or Quakers: save only that, marrying "out of meeting.'* 
he was no longer regarded as an orthodox member, and they 
were not considered as warlike people in any respect. Accord- 
ingly, when at home one day. I wrote to the President of the 
United States asking in the name of my father the appointment. 
As his name was the same as mine, I supposed I would get the 
reply myself from the post office. ^> 

I I was on the lookout for the answer, when one day in walked, 
to our house, my Quaker Uncle Charles, and handed to my fa- 
ther a letter that looked to me a foot long, and as it had on the 
envelope "War Department, Engineer's Office" in large letters, 
he said he was "anxious to know the contents of the document." 



Appointment to West Point. 5 

As father replied he did not understand why such a letter was 
sent to him, I rose "to explain." 

My father said but little, but my uncle created some confu- 
sion by telling the family 1 was going to the '■bowwows" and 
the "bad place." Without waiting to first ascertain whether I 
was "going to the war" or not, several of my Quaker aunts 
called soon after to say good-by before I got shot, as they were 
sure the British would kill me, so filled were their minds with 
'"war's alarums" caused by the war of 1M2. 

When peace was restored and my uncle gone, my father told 
me that if I really desired the position he would aid me in get- 
ting it. So one day he took me with him and called on Charles 
('. Stratton, a relation of ours living near by, and then a Whig 
Member of Congress. / New Jersey was not at that time divided 
into congressional districts, and a Whig delegation was seated 
in Conirress under "the broad seal of New Jersey," and had no 
influence with a Democratic administration: and so no appoint- 
ment came. 

But. nothing discouraged, the following winter, being still at 
the Burlington Academy, I called one day on Gen. Garret D 
Wall, then one of our United States Senators, a resident of Bur- 
lino-ton. I made known to him the object of my calling. He 
listened attentively to my request, said that lie knew my father 
and many of my relatives very well, and that he would aid me. 
The winter passed. Congress had adjourned, and no appointment 
came. 

About this time my father, passing through the town of 
Woodbury, N. J., happened to stop at the courthouse, and 
meeting Senator Wall there, asked him about mycadetship, who, 
on being- told the appointment had not been received, sat down 
in the court room, wrote a few lines to the President, handed 
them to father, and told him to mail them. In a few days the 
appointment came, the reward of diligent perseverance and wait- 
Lng.J^ 

Good Mr. Hood ! I suppose I often stopped at his store in 
after years, and yet I can only call to mind one allusion made to 
West Point. He told me once that his son, Lieut. Washington 
Hood, was in Cuba surveying a route for a railroad — for Tacon, 
Governor-General of Cuba — from Havana to Matanzas. 

As there may be a desire in long after years to have a knowl- 



6 Two Wars. 

cdirc of how the " well-to-do" farmers lived in the early part of 
the present century in New Jersey, 1 will describe the condition 
of the people at my father's. ^ T ew Jersey was a slave State 
when 1 was born. In 1820 slavery was abolished; but there 
were two hundred and thirty-six slaves for life in '1850 in the 
State, because it did not emancipate a slave then in being.\lt 
only set free the unborn babes. You see the difference between 
abolition and emancipation '. The superabundance of the neces- 
saries of life at that period can scarcely be realized now, and ev- 
ery one fared sumptuously, and nearly all alike. Under the 
house there were four cellars. As winter approached, perhaps 
forty cords of oak and hickory wood, four feet in length, were 
hauled to the wood pile. Some twenty or more fat hogs were 
killed, the hams and shoulders sugar-cured and smoked in a large 
stone smokehouse. The sides, etc., were salted down in great 
cedar tanks. The beeves were killed, the rounds dried, not 
smoked, and the rest "corned." Minced meat and sausage, in 
linked chains by the hundreds of pounds, cider boiled down in 
great copper kettles, and apple butter and pear sauce made with- 
out stint. Shad from the fishery were bought for salting down 
for six dollars per hundred.. Oysters by the wagon load were 
in winter put in the cellar and kept fat by sprinkling them with 
brine and corn meal. In bins the choice apples were stored. 
each variety by itself, for daily use, while large quantities were 
buried in the earthen pits for spring. On the swinging shelves 
was the product of the dairy, cheese and butter. Four hogs- 
heads were kept full of cider vinegar; and "apple jack" (apple 
brandy) in barrels in a row, according to age; great old-fash- 
ioned demijohns were kept full of cherries, wild and cultivated, 
covered with brandy. Apples, peaches, pears, huckleberries, 
currants, plums, etc., were dried on scaffolds in the sun for pies 
and other purposes: and the children forgot not their ample 
supply of chestnuts, shellbarks, hazelnuts, etc. Turkeys, <rvvsv, 
and barnyard fowls were raised largely, but they were consid- 
ered produce for sale. There was no stint to these superabun- 
dant supplies, and they were yearly consumed. Rabbits, pheas- 
ants, partridges, and woodcock were abundant, and often were 
secured by trapping; and the ponds and streams were filled with 
fish. I might perhaps convey to you a better idea of the abun- 
dance of fruit and its cheapness by stating that I have seen wag- 



Xe w Jf.rsey Fa r m Li fe. 7 

mis come to the farm for peaches, and they were told to go into 
the orchard and get as many as they wanted, and on coming out 
an estimate would be made of the number of bushels gathered, 
and they were charged ten cents per bushel. Apples, the finesl 
of varieties, were unsalable, and were hauled to the great public 
eider mill, ground up for eider, and that distilled into brandy on 
shares that is, the mills allowed the farmer a certain number of 
gallons of brandy for every hundred bushels of apples delivered. 
And as numerous as were these great cider mills, 1 have seen 
the gates locked and teams turned away because of the supply 
exceeding the capacity of the presses. 

There were Germans who wove carpets, and mills that con- 
verted the wool into cloth. All along the king's highway, which 
was marked with granite shafts for milestones, each one denot- 
ing, in carved letters, how many miles it was to Camden (Coop- 
er's Ferry), there were smith's shops, wheelwrights, cabinet- 
makers, and country shoemakers, and taverns for entertainment 
of " man and beasts." 

Daily, four-horse stagecoaches, carrying the mail and passen- 
gers, passed over the road, and. by common consent, T suppose, 
they were granted the right of way. or it may have been the last 
lingering observance of respect to kingly prerogative. 
/Now somewhere in this part of the country there lived an old 
and very polite Frenchman. He possessed a pony and a little 
wagon, and in that wagon he carried a bench, his lasts, and his 
tools, for he was a shoemaker, and went the rounds of the neigh- 
borhood to make, yearly, the family shoes. Out of morocco 
imported from Barbary, calfskin from Fiance, and leather from 
the village tannery he fashioned most beautiful boots and shoes 
for male and female; yes, neat and betitting they were; and how 
long they lasted! Wonder not that I have introduced you to 
this polite and kind old Frenchman. He belonged to the Em- 
peror's old guard, and after Waterloo he came to this country. 
Young as I was, many times and oft would I persuade him to 
tell me of "the battles, sieges, fortunes he had passed, of mov- 
ing incidents of flood and field, of hairbreadth escapes," and 
grand charges he had made under the eye of the Emperor, how 
he detested England and loved the vine-clad hills and pleasant 
fields of France. At our house he would tix himself up in the 
loft over the carriage house, and then while at work he would 



8 Two Wars. 

tell us boys so much about the " Little Corporal " and the grand 
marshals of France. 

His abiding faith in and admiration for the Emperor passed 
all bounds. When it was known to all the world that Napoleon 
was dead, sleeping in a Lone grave in a far distant island, guarded 
by English bayonets, as though he mighl "awake to glory 
again" and make the little monarchs tremble once more even at 
his name, this devoted soldier of the old guard would not believe 
it. and swore it was an English lie. 

I have given these minute details of the manner in which the 
people lived in New Jersey and adjoining States in the olden 
times. " when the richest were poor and the poorest had abun- 
dance," to show yon how well they lived, how comfortably clad, 
and how content they were in the days when trusts, combines, 
and protective tariffs were unknown, and no great corporations 
existed. To-day ( L895) these greal combines have destroyed in- 
dividual competition, and impoverished more than half the en- 
tire population of the country ami reduced it to rigidity of hours 
and the Hlarevy of wages. They control legislation, corrupt the 
courts, subsidize the press, maintain advocates in the pulpits, 
and this will estrange the poor from the rich more widely than 
the peasant from the prince; and, continued, may implant an 
unkindly feeling, which, if not placated, may have to he settled 
by a resort to arms. 

What a change has sixty-five years wrought! The stage- 
coach has disappeared on the advent of railroads, steam will 
he displaced by electricity as the candle and lamp have been, and 
as the friction match has banished the Hint and steel and tinder 
box. the scythe and sickle have been superseded by the mower. 
the magnificent sailing ships have given way to the ocean racers. 
Ere long we will see the wind pass by as we sec the streams of 
water now. •'The cloud of witnesses around that hold us in full 
survey" may themselves be seen, for we are discovering the se- 
crets of Arcana every day: the source of life and the mystery of 
death will soon be discovered. 

-When I was a boy the habitat of the Yankee did not extend 
south of Connecticut, as bounded by that elegant writer, Wash- 
ington Irving, in his veritable history of New York. In that 
Knickerbocker history you will find the southern limit of the 
Yankee. Is it possible to conceive that Wouter van Twiller, 



A Real Yankee. 9 

Rip van Winkle, William the Testy, or Peter the Headstrong, 
and the drowsy, dreamy Dutch people of New Amsterdam were 
Yankees? No! they dwelt farther north; yet they might have 
overrun and subdued New Amsterdam had not their minds been 
diverted by a sudden outbreak of witchcraft, that afforded these 
saints infinite amusement in a pious way, which saved New Am- 
sterdam. When I was young it was not considered compliment- 
ary or prudent to call a hoy of your own size a "Yankee/ 1 ^> 

My lirst recollection of seeing a real Yankee was connected 
with a dock. At home there stood in the hall an eight-day 
clock, aearly eight feet high, and it is to-day in the city of 
Woodbury, N. J., in possession of my sister, Mrs. John G. 
Whitall. On its face are the words, " Hollingshead, Woods- 
town, N. .1.. 177<>." I infer that it might have commenced re- 
cording time about the hour that the liberty hell in Independence 
Hall, Philadelphia, on a certain fourth of July rang out the Bi- 
ble proclamation of liberty to all the land, and the " inhabitants 
thereof."* It is a clock of some repute. It has Arabic numer- 
als to express the hours. The pendulum was adjusted in length 
to the latitude, and vibrated every second and recorded it. It 
marked the day of the month, and the month itself, and a pic- 
ture of a round-faced female would pee]) up from behind the 
scenes just as the moon rose, and veiled her face when she set. 
In the absence of the moon a ship sailed slowly on. 

It had another accomplishment: an alarm that was worse than 
a ( hinese gong. I should think that handsome clock, which has 
been recording time now for one hundred and nineteen years, 
would have sufficed; hut no! One bright May morning, when 
all the fruit trees were in bloom, and the white-faced bumble- 
bees were buzzing around, and the air was redolent with per- 
fume, a wagon stopped at the gate, and a tall, lean individual 
came to the door and wished to see the mistress of the house. 
Said he was "a stranger in these parts, that his load was too 
heavy for his horse, and that he had clocks and other notions.'' 
Father was not in, so my mother gave him permission to leave 
a eloek until such time as he would call for it. So he brought 
in an eight-day clock about three feet high and adjusted it on 

* "Proclaim liberty throughout all the laud unto all the inhabitants 
thereof."' (Lev. xxv. 10.) 



10 Two Wabs. 

the mantel in the dining: room. It was rather ornamental, and 
instead of the common, everyday figures such as were in the 
multiplication table, it had an I for one. and II for two. and so 
on. which was the Roman style: and then when it struck the 
hours, instead of ringing a hell, the hammer fell on a coil of 
wire, producing a cathedral sound that died away far off. 

We all soon got used to the clock, and some three months 
after when the man called to take his clock away mother said 
she was attached to it and would keep it. It was all a Yankee 
trick to sell the clock, for he disposed of many others in the 
same way. The Yankee clock has ticked its last tick, hut the 
old eight-day clock may outlive the nation whose hours from its 
birth it has. by seconds, recorded. All your life jom have heard 
the people of this country north of the slave States called Yan- 
kees, and the people south Confederates, which is not true, but 
only an incident of the war. 

In Philadelphia 1 was present at the dedication of Pennsylva- 
nia Hall. May L5, 1838, an abolition edifice. It was announced 
that David Paul Brown would officiate at the dedication. His 
reputation as a lawyer and an orator was well known, and on 
this occasion he did some stage acting with tine effect. He was 
hidden away from the surging audience in sonic manner, and 
after the chairman had stated the object of the meeting he closed 
his remarks by saying that David Paul Brown had promised to 
be present to deliver the address. Presto! From concealment 
he rose to his full height and exclaimed: "And I am here to 
fulfill that promise, a promise as freely given as it shall be fear- 
lessly performed, and as high priest of this day's sacrifice I ded- 
icate this hall to freedom." etc. A short time after, in the pres- 
ence of some ten thousand spectators, I saw about twenty per- 
sons, unmolested, batter down the doors and destroy the build- 
ing by fire; and from its ashes sprung up the free soil party. 

As fashion plates of dress worn sixty years ago are not plen- 
tiful, I will briefly refer to the tyrant, Fashion. Men wore tight 
pants, two inches longer behind than before. In front they 
were cut away so as to expose the instep, and were fastened 
down under the boot with a pantaloon strap, and it was no small 
job to get the pants off. The coat had a collar quilted to give it 
stiffness, and was. behind, about four inches broad, and one 
could not throw his head back and well enjoy a merry laugh. 



The Fashions. 11 

Then in front they wore as neck gear a stock, yv> a stock about 
as comfortable as those public ones used for punishing criminals. 

These stocks were nearly four inches wide, consisting of a pad 
of bristles of the hog, fashioned to tit the neck, and were cov- 
ered with dark silks or satin. The lower part rested on the col- 
lar hone, and the upper supported the head aloft while the shirt 
collar cut the ears. It was "heads up, eyes to the front," and 
one seldom saw his hoots. Young men could not cross their 
legs when sitting in a chair without accident. John Pope, bet- 
ter known as Gen. Pope, when on furlough returned to West 
Point with nice linen pants, with straps at the bottom and open 
down the front, which was found very convenient for a soldier 
who had to wear a waist belt; and although it shocked the sense 
of propriety of some maidenly ladies, it caught the eye of Maj. 
Richard Delafield, Superintendent of the Academy. His hob- 
bies were economy and practical utility. He saw the advantage 
of Pope's breeches over the broad flap buttoned at the side, and 
notwithstanding the protest of Mrs. Delafield who was report- 
ed to have said "the cadets thus dressed should not come in per- 
son to the house with their account hooks for orders" — and 
other ladies, that stern old soldier gave the tailor permission to 
make the cadet pants open in front, and that consigned to ob- 
livion the broad flap pants. West Point then, as the Prince of 
Wales now. set the fashions: Pope's pattern of breeches are now 
worn by all Christian men, and some that are not of that re- 
ligion. 

Out of all the students that were at the academy in Burling- 
ton, I know of but one living now, (Ten. W. W. H. Davis, of 
Doylestown, Pa. He was aid to Gen. dishing during the Mexi- 
can war, and a general in the Union army during the late war 
between the States. 

After my appointment as a cadet 1 made no preparation for 
the examination for admission to the Academy, because I had no 
doubt of being able to meet the mental examination, for I had 
mastered nearly every elementary branch of mathematics, in- 
cluding navigation and Hutton's recreations in mathematics. I 
never understood or realized the "recreation" concealed in that 
volume. Recreation, however, is very often a matter of taste. 
There was a young officer on my staff, W. T. Freeman, who 
found recreation in going on every expedition, demonstration. 



12 Two Waks. 

or tight that was on hand; and that good soldier, Gen. Richard 
S. Ewell, often would seek recreation by a visit to the picket 
line to see what the " Yanks" were doing. Taste will differ, you 
observe. 

AY hen the time was near at hand for me to report at West 
Point, soineof my Quaker aunts came to see me. They hadgotten 
pretty well over the belief that the British would kill me, or that 
we would soon have another war with England. Our relatives 
were numerous about Trenton, Evesham, Red Rank, Billings- 
port, and all the region around, and stories of the old war were 
common. I will relate but one: AYhen Count Donop, with his six 
battalions of Hessians, came down through Iladdontield to cap- 
ture the fortifications on the Delaware river at Red Bank, a 
Hessian soldier strayed away from the ranks, and. entering the 
back yard, came up to the back porch of a farmer's dwelling. 
There was a churn ( in form a truncated cone — that is, it was big 
at the bottom and small at the top); and moreover, it contained 
fresh buttermilk. The poor fellow took up the churn and was 
enjoying a drink when a stout servant girl, coming to the door, 
took in the situation at a glance, and. instead of crying "Mur- 
der," she took hold of the bottom of the churn, raised it up. and 
thrust it down quickly over his head. It was a tight tit, and as 
he could not remove the churn he was captured, hid away, and 
delivered to the garrison after the defeat of Donop's troops. 
Donop was killed. Often and often I wandered over Red Hank 
and Billingsporl when a boy. sitting down on the great iron can- 
non strewn all around, meditating on war. 

1 now bade adieu to good Quaker uncles and aunts (1 say good 

yes. more deserving, truthful, honest people than the Quakers 
cannot be found, for they are all good) and father and mother, 
and took the stage for Philadelphia, thence by the Camden and 
Amboy railroad went to New York. The two great hotels in 
New York then were the Astor House ami the American. 

I felt lonely in the city crowd, and, strolling "down Broad- 
way," heard the noise of voices in a hall, or perhaps it was in a 
church, so I went in, and soon the orator exclaimed, * k It present- 
ed to the world the first instance of a Church without a bishop,'* 
upon which great applause followed, which I did not compre- 
hend, and at the same time an elderly gentleman rose up and 
left the stage, causing some commotion. By the papers I learned 



Ai West Point. 13 

that they were celebrating their New England dinner, that the 
orator was Rufus Choate, and the indignant gentlemaD was 
Bishop Wainwright, all of which led to a long and hitler news- 
paper controversy. Leaving New York City. I went by steamer 
up the Hudson river to my place of destination at the foot of 
the Catskill Mountains, then robed in purple from the setting 
sun. 

I shall never forget my voyage on the Hudson when life was 
young and all was bright and fair, and hope imparted a feeling 
of joy and gladness to all my environments. There were sev- 
eral candidates for admission to the Academy at the hotel. In 
the morning when I came down to breakfast I chanced to take 
a seat beside a smart-looking, black-eyed boy, and. finding him 
not inquisitive. I remarked to him, "I suppose you have a cadet 
appointment;" and in the twinkle of an eye he answered my 
question by exclaiming, "May I ask you the same question?" 
I was amazed, but reverting to his reply. I calmly and deliber- 
ately told him that his inquiry would he responded to first, and 
then he could answer mine at his leisure. That boy was from 
Connecticut. He graduated second in his class; his name is 
George Deshon; heisa Jesuit father. Redemptorist, and Paulist, 
and resides in New York City, spending his life for the good of 
a fallen race. 

1 was having a pleasant rest at the hotel, and had been there 
two or three days when an orderly made his appearance with an 
order for all the candidates for admission to report at headquar- 
ters. Frederick Steele, J. J. Booker, and I were assigned to a 
room in the south barracks. 

I cannot recall to mind much about the examination; I only 
remember Capt. W. W. S. Bliss asking us some questions in a 
polite manner, and then dismissing us. In due time we went 
into camp. J. J. Peck, Vandergrift. and I were assigned to 
Company D, and occupied the same tent. 

As the State of New Jersey was not divided into congressional 
districts at that time, it did not matter in what part of the State 
an applicant resided. There were four vacancies in the State, 
and they were tilled by appointing Isaac F. Quinby, Shotwell, 
Vandergrift, and myself. Shotwell and Vandergrift left the 
Academy. 

During the encampment Senator (i. W. Wall came to the 



14 Two Wahs. 

Point on a visit, and had all four of us call to see him. He ex- 
pressed much interest in us, and gave us good advice, as he was 
personally interested in our success and welfare. 

I carried with me to West Point a letter of introduction to 
John F. Reynolds, of Pennsylvania, who. as general in the Un- 
ion Army, was killed the first day at Gettysburg. In his death 
the Federal army sustained an almost irreparable loss. He was 
a soldier of marked ability; kind. and. above all, was well loved, 
and the highest position in the service awaited him without his 
seeking it. He was ever kind to me, and later on, during the 
Mexican war, I was intimately associated with him. The offi- 
cers of Bragg's Battery of Monterey were G. H. Thomas, J. F. 
Reynolds, and myself, and Reynolds and I occupied the same 
tent, and I never knew him to speak an unkind word. 

Cadet life at the Academy has often been described, and it is 
so well known that I shall pass it by save with a few remarks. 
In the first squad of cavalry Grant, when a cadet at West Point, 
rode the horse that could jump a pole, one end against the wall 
about seven feet high while the other end was held by a soldier 
over the top of his head. In the second squad of our class Cave 
J. Couts rode the same animal. I never envied them their en- 
joyment, yet I rode a horse (properly named Vixen) that would 
go around the ring at a speed that would have distanced Tarn 
O'Shanter's mare when she crossed the bridge of Doon and lost 
her tail. 

1 One day as our section in mathematics was marching to recita- 
tion hall Frank Gardner produced an old silver-cased watch about 
four inches in diameter. It, as a curiosity, was passed along 
from one hoy to another to examine; it chanced to he in Grant's 
hands, as we reached the door of the recitation room, and he 
slipped it under his coat bosom and buttoned it up. The regular 
professor was absent, and cadet Zealous B. 'Power occupied his 
chair. 1 le sent four cadets to the blackboards, Grant being one. 
(Irani had solved his problem and begun his demonstration, 
when all of a sudden the room was tilled with a sound not unlike 
a Chinese gong. All looked amazed, and Tower, thinking the 
noise was in the hall, ordered the door closed, and that only 
made the matter worse. Grant, with a sober countenance, had 
the floor to demonstrate. "When the racket ceased the recita- 
tion proceeded. Tower had no idea whence the noise came. 



Qui xb y — He ynolds — G r a n t. 15 

Gardner had set the alarm in that antique pieee of furniture con- 
cealed in Grant's bosom, and it went off. Tower's bewilderment 
and Grant's sobriety afforded us much amusement, which we 
could not manifest until we got outdoors, and roared with 
laughter. J^> 

Of all the cadets in our class, I believe I. F. Quinby possessed 
the most profound and the brightest intellect. It was scarcely 
necessary for him to study m mathematical proposition. One 
day, thinking he would not be "called up," he had not opened 
the text-book. However. Prof. Mahan sent him to the black- 
board, and announced a proposition for him to demonstrate. In 
due time he faced the Professor ready to begin. He demon- 
strated the proposition in an original manner, frequently inter- 
rupted by the Professor, who failed to follow his reasoning, and 
would not admit the proof to be conclusive. Then cadet William 
F. Raynolds said: "Mr. Mahan, Mr. Quinby is right; I was at- 
tentive, and followed him all through." The result was Quinby 
wrote out his mode of demonstration and Raynolds handed it to 
the Professor next day, and the proof was conclusive. Profess- 
ors are not inclined to have students deviate from the text-books. 
One day Grant failed to name the signs of the Zodiac, aries, 
taurus, gemini, etc., so I was asked, some time after, to re- 
peat them, which I did as follows: 

The Ram, the Bull, tin- Heavenly Twins, oext the ('nil) the Lion shines, 

the Virgin and the Scales, 
The Scorpion. Archer, and the Goat, the Man who carries the watering 

pot, and Fish with glittering tails. 

and was told to translate it into the language of the text-book. 
Professors were not dependent on patronage, and there was no 
marked degrees of partiality shown any cadets. Prof. Wier 
kept one of my paintings in water colors that I regretted very 
much. One day, years after, I asked President Grant if he would 
not have the War Department issue an order to have it returned 
to me, and he said: "Certainly, and you may have any of mine 
that are there." He knew I well understood the humor in the 
remark about his paintings. However, I neglected to write to 
him and thus secure my picture. When I visited the Academy 
in 1881 I saw it hanging on the walls (and it is there now). 
Those that I left at my mother's in Woodbury, X. J., were con- 
fiscated and sold by the United States marshal, and this would 



16 Two Wars. 

have shared the same fate had it been there. After the Confed- 
erate war ended some of these paintings were returned to me. 
Such acts of kindness I appreciated. 

When we entered the first class, as usual, we had accorded us 
the privilege of purchasing of the sutler, Mr. John DeWitt, 
many articles that were denied the junior classes. Owing to 
some of the class not being properly treated, the following docu- 
ment was drawn up. to wit: 

We, the undersigned, do hereby agree thai we will purchase nothing 

from John DeWitl after this date, except what we have already ordered, 
or whatever is absolutely necessary, the reason being supposed manifest 
t<> every one. 

-John H. Greland, J. Jones Reynolds, 

('. J. Couts. L. Neill. 

[saac F. Quinby, John Preston Johnston. 

X. Etting, J. J. Peck. 

K. S. Ripley. H. R. Seldon, 

George Stevens, A. Crozet, 

(i. Deshon, F. Gardner, 

F. T. Dent. L. B. Woods. 

Henry F. Clark, T. L. Chadbourne, 

J. H. Potter, F. Howe, 

R. Hazlett, s. G. French, 

Henry M. Jidah, J. ('. McFerren. 

W. K. Van Bokkelen, Rupus Ingalls, 
George ( '. McClelland, W. B. Franklin. 

U. H. Grant, Joseph Asfokdd. 
('. G. Merchant, 

West Point. April 1.".. 1843. 

To explain this boycott I copy a letter from Gen Kufus Ingalls 
to Gen. Isaac F. Quinby, sent to me by the latter when he re- 
ceived it. Quinby's familiar mime was "Nykin." 

Portland, Oregon, September 16, 1889. 

My Dear " Nykin .•" Your letter surprised me most joyously. I was 
thinking of you constantly and lovingly. Do not give up. Let us live to 
the last possible hour. I hope to meet you this fall — late perhaps. Icame 
here two years ago to stay three months, and here I am! I have had a 
"monkey and parrot time of it, "as these slips* will only partially disclose. 
Read them at leisure. But I am now booming in luck, . . . and I expeet 
to save some money out of the wreck for myself and pretty wards. But 
what, a fight all alone for it! 

I am robust, never better. Habits perfect; fact. Why not at 70? Did 

* Newspaper cuttings. 



The Boycott. 17 

we uot cut old DeWitt because he caused some of us to be reported'/ How 
is Hamilton? Write me, dear ••Nykin." Nail your flag high up, and don't 
regard dark clouds. 

Very affectionately, Rufus. 

Gen. Quinby, Rochester. N. Y. 

My dear, good Rufus! How I recall the many happy days 
we have passed together ! My love for you was like unto Jona- 
than's for David, and you have gone and left me, gone to your 
long home. Yet I can see you now. I can see you at the card 
table having "fun" even though the "time be 4 a.m." There 
always was mirth when Ingalls was present. He was the prince 
of good fellows; ever cheerful, never selfish, full of quaint hu- 
mor, and was wont to "set the table in a roar." 

There is a story related of him that runs in this way: One 
night in the spring of L865 at City Point Grant and staff were 
sitting around their cam]) fire. Conversation had lapsed into 
silence, which after a while was suddenly broken by Grant ex- 
claiming: "Ingalls, do you expect to take that yellow dog of 
yours into Richmond with you V "O yes. General, he belongs 
to a long life breed," was Ingall's sober reply. Silence returned, 
but there were sides ready to burst with suppressed laughter. 

Ingalls possessed a brilliant mind. Grant states that, had it 
become necessary to change the commander of the Army of the 
Potomac, he would have given it to Ingalls. When at last Lee's 
weak lines were broken at Petersburg, and certain corps com- 
manders said they could not pursue Lee, Ingalls whispered to 
Grant, "If you do not order an immediate pursuit, you will be 
a ruined man; I will have supplies on hand;" and the army was 
ordered to move at once in pursuit. This was told me by Gen. 
Frederick Steele in 1865. 

But to return to the boycott, I find this matter in the news- 
papers of the day, and it is termed the oldest boycott known. I 
have copied the signatures from a newspaper article to correct 
some of the errors it contained; and I would observe that I can- 
not recall any member of our class named Joseph Asfordd. 
About the signature of Gen. Grant having been written IT. H. 
Grant, we all knew that Gen. Harmer obtained him the appoint- 
ment, and that his real name was U. H. Grant, but the appoint- 
ment called for U. S. Grant, and he entered the Academy as U. 
S. Grant, and was usually called " l T ncle Sam Grant." Poor 
2 



18 Two Wars. 

Stevens, who it appears had this document in his posses 
sion, I saw drowned in the waters of the Rio Grande when at 
the head of a squad of dragoons he attempted to swim the river. 
The paper was, I presume as stated, sent home with his effects, 
and the original, or facsimile, is now hung up in the War De- 
partment in Washington City. Of those who signed it, there 
are now living only four, Father Deshon, J. J. Reynolds. W. 
B. Franklin, and your father, who is now writing this; and if I 
write two other names, Gens. C. C. Auger and W. F. Raynolds, 
you have the names of the six surviving members of our class 
in L893.* 

LThe class of L843 is remarkable in one respect. So far as my 
investigations have extended, every one of the class living in 
1861 entered the military service, except Father Deshon; all ob- 
tained the rank of general save one. In no class did all the grad- 
uates enter the service, nor did those in the armies obtain uni- 
formly such high rank as the class of lsl)!. 

When the encampment ends, and the cadets go into quarters 
and study commences, the fourth class is formed into sections, 
taking their names alphabetically. If they desire twelve cadets 
in the first section, commencing at the A's and B's they go on 
down until twelve are obtained; the second and other sections 
are formed in the same way; study and recitation begins, and 
the struggle commences. At the end of a week some are trans- 
ferred up to the first and second sections, and others down; and 
this continues until every one settles to the rank he merits, or 
at least to the rank his studies entitle him to. 

High class standing is not conclusive evidence of preeminent 
ability as a commander. Of all the positions that mortal man 
has occupied on earth, that of a great captain requires a com- 
bination of more of the rare gifts that God occasionally bestows 
on man. each differing in character and quality, than any other 
profession. In him they must <iU be balanced and in harmony. 
He must be a great organizer, and a skilled administrator; pos- 
sessed of courage, untiring energy, and keep the one great pur- 
pose in view, crushing every obstacle in the way to its accom- 
plishment. His powers of combination must be made with 
mathematical precision; his knowledge of the country correct, 

*August 31, 1898, Raynolds and Auger arc now at rest, .and four re- 
main. April, 1899, Gen. -I. J. Reynolds has passed over the river. 



Cheat Commanders. 19 

and at a glance comprehend the tiekl of action; instant to detect 
an error made by his antagonist, and prompt to avail himself of 
it; intuitive knowledge of character, acute in discovering men's 
motives, faultless in reasoning to enable him to fathom the de 
. signs of the enemy, and maneuver so as to defeat them. Then 
comes the prestige of victory, confidence in his success, love for 
his person; and the army in his hands is as obedient to him as 
the ship to her helm, and will breast the tempest, be it never so 
high. From Moses down history does not mention the names 
of as many great soldiers, for whom "the stars in their courses 
fought,'' as there are lingers on a man's hand, and the star of 
Austerlitz, I think, guided the greatest of them all. 

"He who ascends to mountain tops shall find 

The loftiest peaks most wrapped in clouds and snow: 
He who surpasses or subdues mankind 

Must look down on the hate of those below ." 

I make no reference to heartlessness or selfishness, 1 speak 
only of great intellects and boundless ambition that impels the 
man on, on, upward, till crowns become baubles, and kings who 
wear them are moved on the world's stage, and traded off like 
those on the chessboard, who would subjugate the earth, and 
then sigh for other worlds to conquer. 

There is a moral in the lives of some of the most renowned 
captains. Joshua had trouble with his tribes; Alexander died 
from excess of drinking in Babylon; Hannibal, living in exile, 
took poison to escape being surrendered to the Romans; Pom- 
pey, thrice a consul, thrice honored with a triumph, master of 
the world, was assassinated on Egypt's barren strand and left 
without a handful of the earth (of all the world he once pos- 
sessed) to cover his remains; Caesar was murdered in the sen- 
ate chamber; Cortez died in poverty in Seville, neglected by his 
sovereign; Napoleon ended his days a prisoner in exile on a des- 
ert island; "Stonewall " Jackson, in the zenith of his glory, was 
accidentally killed by his own troops; R. E. Lee died, after de- 
clining many honors, the president of a university in Virginia; 
Grant, more fortunate, became President of the United States. 
Yet his life in after years was embittered by his confidence in 
dishonest bankers, which trouble, preying on his mind, short- 
ened his days. 



CHAPTER II. 

Graduation — Commissioned Brevet Second Lieutenant, D. S. A. — Ordered 
to Fort Macon, X. C. — Goldsboro— Journey to Beaufort — Officers at 
the Fort — Life in a Casemate— Stormy Atlantic — That Oyster Supper — 
The Wandering Cot — Adieu to Fort Macon — Journey to Washington — 
Lieuts. George H. Thomas and John Pope — Weldon, N. C. — Go to 
West Point— Prof. Morse — First Dispatch — Hope Club, Washington — 
Dinner Given by Surgeon General Lawson — Appointed Aid to Gen. 
Scott — British Gold — Col. S. Churchill — Integrity of Old Army Officers 
— Leave Washington for Fort McHenry — Society in Baltimore — Chief 
Justice Taney. 

I BELIEVE it was cm the 9th day of June, 1843, the exam- 
inations ended, we bade adieu to old Fort Putnam, the Crow's 
Nest, the Dunderburg, the halls, the lovers' walk, the profess- 
ors, in short to West Point and all that it contained, and took 
passage on a steamer on the ever-beautiful Hudson for New York 
City. A new life was opened to us, the wide world was before 
us. and we believed we were equal to all environments, and anx- 
ious for the strife; and, if I possess a correct power of retro- 
spection, we generally had a higher opinion of ourselves then 
than we have had since in the battle of life, amid joy and sorrow, 
hopes and disappointment, praise and detraction, sordid avarice 
and the little trust in the sincerity of man. In the course of 
time we comprehended that "all is not gold that glitters." 

In a day or two we began to separate for our homes, and 1 
bade farewell to some whose faces I never saw again. When 
the assignments to the army were made, in July following, I was 
notified that I had been commissioned a brevet second lieuten- 
ant in the United States army and assigned to Company — , 
Third Regiment of Artillery, then stationed at Fort Macon, N. C. 

I was ordered to report for duty by the first day of October. 
Bidding good-by to all at home, I started for Beaufort, X. ('., 
Fort Macon being on an island opposite to the town. I traveled 
by way of Baltimore. Washington, Richmond, and Petersburg 
to Goldsboro; thence by stagecoach to New Berne and Beau- 
fort. 

The journey was made without incident of note. On the train 
there was a spruce individual from New York City on his way 



Ordered to Washington. 21 

to Charleston. Some one had alarmed him very much about 
""malaria," and he cautioned me against rising in the morning 
until after the sun had dissipated the poisonous vapors of the 
night. The consequence was I remained in bed at the hotel in 
Goldsboro, waiting for the mist to rise before I did, until I heard 
the stage horn calling for passengers, and I came near getting 
no breakfast. But the driver was one of those happy-go-easy 
fellows, who said: "I am in no haste; go and get your break- 
fast." 

That New York man had alarmed me to such a degree that 
when a courtly old gentleman came to the stage door with a large 
basket of scuppernong grapes and requested me to take charge 
of them to Beaufort, bidding me partake of them bountifully by 
the way. I thought death was concealed in thai baskel as the asp 
was in the one given to Cleopatra. I was the only passenger. 
After a while I consulted the driver, who w:is on the box out- 
side, as to the danger of eating grapes in that bilious country, 
and he assured me there was none. So timidly 1 took one and 
found it "was good for food' 1 like the apple in the garden of 
Eden, and in spite of fears 1 partook of them freely. 

When I arrived in Beaufort I found there to meet me Lieut. 
C. Q. Tompkins, and I sailed with him over to the fort. One 
company constituted the garrison. The officers were ('apt. W. 
Wall, Lieuts. Tompkins and E. O. C. Ord, Dr. Glenn, and (apt. 
J. H. Trapier, engineer officer. The company was composed of 
old soldiers and required hut little drilling, and so our duties 
were light. I spent most of my time sailing on the sound and 
fishing. The waters teemed with fish, and both game and oys- 
ters w T ere abundant. 

There had been a report that the company would soon be or- 
dered to Fort McHenry, Baltimore, and all were anxious to 
leave the place, for they had been stationed there over two years. 

As time passed on they expected by every mail the order for 
them to leave, but it came not. However, one evening toward 
the close of November when we were enjoying a good supper, 
Mingo, the best of old colored servants, announced the arrival 
of the day's mail, and placed all the letters before Capt. Wall. 
Opening a ten-inch buff envelope from the War Department, he 
took therefrom a letter, and as he glanced over it a smile played 
over his countenance, observed by all. Ord exclaimed: "That 



22 Two Wars. 

is the order for Fort McHenry!" Dr. Glenn bet wine with Ord 
that it was not; and while the bets were being arranged Capt. 
Wall handed the letter to me. I read it with surprise; it was an 
order tor me to proceed to Washington City and report to the 
Board preparing the artillery tactics, composed of Maj. John 
Munroe, Capts. Francis Taylor and Robert Anderson. There 
was dejection of spirits on the faces of all present; but Ord rose 
with the occasion, and ordered Mingo to have three bushels of 
oysters in the shell prepared, and to bring on the accompani- 
ments. I left them late at the table and retired to my casemate 
room, and I avow to this day that some invisible spirit seemed 
to move my cot around the room. Round and round it went. I 
leaned against the table in the middle of the room and enjoyed 
the circus for a while, but the cot would not grow weary. After 
some vain attempts I caught it as it passed by, threw myself on 
it, the light burned dim. and I fell asleep. 

But O the vivid recollections of the wild, incoherent dreams 
of that night, the aching head and quickened pulse. Childish 
scenes arose. I was at the home of my childhood. I was cross- 
ing the Delaware river on the ice. as in days of yore, and was 
carried away on a floating cake. It was dark, and no one heard 
me cry for help. Then I was at a hotel, and a girl, once so love- 
ly, on whom I lavished all the love of a child, came in to dine. 
She was old, ugly, and changed, and I gazed on her in horror. 
Next I was in command of a fort on the banks of a river, and 
British ships of war were coming up; they opened tire, and I 
ordered our guns to reply, and not one could be tired; in vain the 
gunners worked while the fleet passed by, and I cried in agony 
of mind. Like a kaleidoscope the vision changed. I became an 
essence of the Creator of the universe, and the universe was 
heaven. A spirit robed in white was with me. Gravitation 
was destroyed, and we moved with the rapidity of thought, past 
the moon, past the sun, past the stars. Whither I wished 
we went. Bright suns were on all sides, above and below, roll- 
ing in silence in the infinite ethereal spaces which had no center 
and were without bounds. When I asked what power held all 
these worlds in a relative position no answer came. I was alone! 
Phantoms of a burning brain! I was at West Point again, in 
Kosciusko's garden, walking on the banks of the Hudson. I 
saw a cave and entered it, and immediately a rock weighing tons 



At Fort Macon. 23 

dropped down and closed the entrance. A passage led to an- 
other chamber, and again came a vast rock and closed it. I was 
now in darkness in a vaulted cave, shut in from the world and 
all the worlds that were shown me. As I sat down on a rock in 
despair, a ray of light was seen through a crevice in the rocks. 
Hope came to my relief. The passage was small. After I had 
got partly through, my body, in fright, began to swell, and I 
could neither go on nor get hack. Breathing had nearly ceased, 
and I could not cry for help, or move hand or foot. 

From this condition I was awakened. The vision bore away, 
and 1 found myself lying on my cot, and an old hag that had as- 
sumed the form of a peculiar cat was standing on me holding me 
down on my back. Her body was a part of a broomstick; her 
legs were rounds of a chair with wire hinges at the joints; her 
head was like three sticks forming a triangle, with ends project- 
ing for ears. Her countenance was like a cat's. Her forefeet 
were on my chest pressing it down so that I could scarcely breathe, 
while her savage eyes glowed with rage in my face. I was awake 
and remembered that circulation of the blood would relieve me 
from this horrible nightmare. I gave my body a sudden turn, 
the blood rushed through my veins, the witch flew through the 
window, and the day was dawning. My head was swimming 
like a buoy on the water. 

The elixirs of Cagliostro, the preparations of Paracelsus, the 
use of hashish of the Mohammedans, never produced visions or 
dreams more strange and painful than did that, my first and un- 
willing trial of old "Monongahela." 

I drew a moral from my experience on that occasion, and have 
never forgotten it. May you draw a good one from it also! 

The next morning the officers accompanied me to the landing. 
Bidding them good- by, I got in the boat and sailed over to Beau- 
fort. My stay at Fort Macon was pleasant, and I was not over- 
joyed to leave the place. I could lie on that treacherous cot and 
be lulled to sleep by the ever-murmuring sea, or aw T akened by 
the thundering waves of the stormy Atlantic that seemed to 
make the island tremble at the shock; and I could tell at night 
by the lightning's "red glare" and the breaker's roar when a 
storm was moving on over the Gulf Stream. 

The casemate used for a magazine adjoined mine, and in it 
were stored many thousand pounds of powder, and the lightning 



24 Two Wars. 

rods did not quiet all my fears when those violent thunderstorms 
passed over the island. Along the shore near Cape Lookout 
these violent winds had buried large pine forests in sand ridges. 

Well, I journeyed back to New Berne alone in the same Con- 
cord stagecoach I came in, and remained there all night. 

I now began to observe the difference in maimers, customs, 
and deportment of the Southern people from the people in the 
North. 1 shall refer to this, perhaps, farther on. I noticed that 
the outer door to the general lounging room was never shut. 
The weather was cold; servants piled on the hearth pine wood 
in abundance, till the flames roared up the chimney; men came 
in and men went out, and never a door was closed. 

After supper the landlord drew up a chair near mine, close 
by the bright tire, and we entered into a conversation about the 
people and the surrounding country. 

A negro servant came in to replace the fuel and departed, and 
I availed myself of the occasion to ask the landlord for what pur- 
pose doors were made, and he was amazed at my want of infor- 
mation on such common affairs. I think I demonstrated to him 
that to keep the doors closed would he economy in fuel and com- 
fort to Ins guests. He must have been convinced, for in the 
morning 1 found the servants closed the doors when passing in 
and out. This custom of open doors prevailed generally in 
the South. When I boarded the train at Goldsboro, among the 
passengers were two officers that were at the Academy whilst I 
was there, George H. Thomas and John Pope. AsThomaswas 
on a visit to his home in Southampton County, Ya., on the line 
of the Weldon and Norfolk railroad, he persuaded Pope and 
myself to go on with him and take the steamer from Ports- 
mouth to Baltimore instead of the route by Richmond; and so 
we remained all night in Weldon. The weather was cold and 
the ground covered with snow, and the accommodations miser- 
able. I little thought then that I would be destined, nineteen 
pears after, to sleep there again with snow on the ground and a 
tent for shelter, hut so it was. On the way to Norfolk the rails 
were covered with frost and the driving wheels slipped so that 
we all had to get out the cars and help push the train over a 
slight ascent to a bridge. There was not much comfort on the 
trains in those days. 

On reaching Washington I reported to the Board of Artillery. 



The First Dispatch. 25 

They handed to me the manuscript of work to be published, and 
directed me (o prepare drawings of horses, harness, guns, gun 
carriages, and all the maneuvers of the battery to be illustrated 
by plates. 

I was engaged in the performance of this duty from the early 
part of December, 1843, to November L2, 184A. When the 
drawings were all finished, there were added drawings of all 
heavy guns, their carriages, implements, etc., and I am pleased to 
state that the Board, after comparing them with the manuscript. 
accepted them without the alteration of a line, letter, or dot. 

I went to Wesl Point to make the drawings for the horse ar- 
tillery. During the latter part of my stay there I occupied a 
room at Mrs. Kinsley's. Lieut. John Newton. W. S. Rosecrans, 
William Gilham, and W. H. Johnston also had quarters there. 
They were on duty as assistant professors in tin- Academy. 
From West Point I returned to Washington and made the plates 
of the heavy artillery. Thence in September 1 went to meetthe 
Board at Old Point Comfort. Gen. John B. Walbach was in 
command of the post, a gallant old German who entered our 
army in 1799. A large number of officers were on duty there. 
The hotel was tilled with beauty and fashion: and. as I had 
nothing special to do, I was free to join in the amusements the 
locality afforded. From Old Point Comfort I returned to Wash- 
ington early in November, 1*44. During the summer of this 
year, and whilst the Democratic convention was in session in 
Baltimore, Prof. Morse invited Lieut. I. F. Quinby and me to 
ride with him to the capital to test the telegraph line built from 
Washington to Baltimore by act of Congress. On arriving at 
the capital the Professor signaled to the operator in Baltimore, 
and in a short time the following message was received by him: 

Convention not in session now. Polk stock in the ascendency. Dong- 
lass now addressing the people. 

Or words to that effect; and this was the first telegram ever sent 
in the United States. I have seen it stated that the first mes- 
sage announct d the nomination. That must be an error, because 
the one he received was before the nomination had been made.* 

*It is also reported that the first message over the line, sent by a young 
lady, was: "What hath God wrought!" The Professor did not mention 
this, and this dispatch was sent over the ocean cable years later. 



26 Two Waks. 

From Washington I was ordered to join my company at Fort 
McHenry. That order to leave Fort Macon, and about which 
so much anxiety was manifested when I left there, was after- 
wards received and the company moved accordingly. Maj. Sam- 
uel Ringgold was in command of the post, and among the offi- 
cers were Randolph Ridgely, W; II. Shover. Abner Doubleday, 
E. 0. C. Ord, and (J. W. Avers, and P. (I. T. Beauregard was 
the engineer officer. 

Fort McHenry, at this time, was considered one of the most 
desirable posts to be stationed at in the whole country. 

During the autumn and winter there was a great deal of gaye- 
ty in Baltimore, and some of the officers of the post were gen- 
erally at the balls and parties given. The ladies of Baltimore 
from their ancestors inherited beauty; and from their environ- 
ments naturally acquired retiring manners, low and sweet voices, 
gentleness, attractive grace; and, conscious from childhood of 
their social position, they were sprightly, exhibited hauteur to 
none, and moved in the mazy dance so courtly, so slow, and 
" courtesied with a grace that belonged to an age in the long, 
long ago." 

On one occasion a masked and fancy dress ball was given by 
a gentleman with whom I was not acquainted, to which many of 
the elite of the city were invited. A description of that hall 
which was promptly published in the New York Herald created 
much excitement. The writer, not content with describing 
dresses and characters represented, touched truthfully some ten- 
der points peculiar to each individual. There were many ac- 
cused of the authorship, and all denied it. Rewards were offerei I 
for the discovery of the writer. No one thought it could have 
been done by any person not present at the ball, but so it was. 
Only two persons could name the writer. 

1 went with him, about two days after the publication, the 
round of morning calls, and we had much enjoyment at the crit 
icisms made by the ladies. Many were indignant; others enjoyed 
it. Some equivocal expressions had been used in reference to 
one young lady. She hist shed tears; then, smiling, said: "Well, 
I would rather be described as it was written than not to be 
mentioned at all.** The writer was a promising young lawyer, 
long since in his grave. I have not seen the other confidant 
since the war. He was in the Confederate army. 



In Baltimore. 27 

One of the most accomplished young ladies in Baltimore was 
Miss Charlotte R. She belonged to no "circle," but was beloved 
by all. Among her admirers at that time were Chevalier Hulse- 
man, < 'Jmrge a? Affairs for Austria, Lieut. ( )rd, and myself. Two 
years after, on the hanks of the Rio Grande, before a battle that 
was inevitable, I sat by a fire and committed to the flames letters 
that I did not intend should be read by any one, and, being alone, 
perchance some were moistened by a tear. 

My father was in polities a Whig, and firmly believed Gen. 
Jackson deserved to be shot for hanging Arburthnot and Am- 
briester when he took possession of Florida; and he thought 
Roger B. Taney no better than a robber because he removed the 
government deposits from the United States Bank. Now among 
the pleasant families that 1 visited at this time in Baltimore was 
that of Chief Justice Taney, a man so kind, gentle in manner, 
so plain and unpretending at his home, that I wondered to what 
extent a venal party press would villify a pure and honest man 
who faithfully interpreted the law.* 

•Mn the celebrated Dred-Scotl case (sec Howard's "Supreme Court Re- 
ports," Vol. XIX., page 404) you will find that Justice Taney, in describing 
the condition of the negro more than ;i hundred years before the Declaration 
of Independence, said: --It is difficult at this <l<</j (1S56) to realize the slate 
of public opinion in relation to that unfortunate race which prevailed in 
the civilized portions of the world at the time of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and when the Constitution of the United States was framed and 
adopted. . . . They had, for more than a century before, been regard- 
ed as a being of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with 
the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior 
that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and 
that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his 
benefit. He was bought and sold, and treated as an ordinaiy article of 
merchandise and traffic whenever a profit could be made by it, The opin- 
ion was. atthattime, fixed and universal in the civilized portions of the 
white race." 

The above is merely a historical fact as regards the status of the negro 
about two hundred years before the judge rendered his decision. And now 
behold! For political party purposes; by the abolitionists; from the pul- 
pit: by college professors: by all who have hated the South, it is to this 
day tortured into a decision made by Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, which 
is not true. Furthermore, and before this case was in court, Judge Taney 
had manumitted his own, inherited, slaves: and as a lawyer had defended 
a man in court for publicly uttering abolition sentiments. In fact he re- 
garded slavery as an evil, and proclaimed it by deeds. (See -'American 
Authors" Guild Bulletin" for April, 1«9S.) 



28 Two Wars. 

While in Washington in 1843 I made my home at the "Hope 
Club," a clul) composed mainly of unmarried army officers per- 
manently stationed, or at least on duty there. Gen. George 
Gibson, Commissary General, was the president of the club. He 
was one of the best men I ever met; kind and considerate of the 
feelings of every one, a gentleman of the olden time, a man of 
patience and unruffled temper. He and Judge Bibb, Secretary of 
the Treasury, would go to the long bridge and fish all day for a 
minnow, or even a nibble. Capt. J. C. Casey was the Treasurer. 
He was a very entertaining man, and had more influence with 
the Seminole Indians than any one connected with the govern- 
ment. He was a commissary, and they had abiding faith in him 
because, as they said, " he told them no lies." 

One day on taking my seat at dinner I turned up my plate 
and found under it a note from Surgeon General Thomas Law- 
ton inviting me in the evening to dine with him. As I saw no 
one else had an invitation, and I was only a lieutenant, I was 
not inclined to go alone, but Gen. Gibson, Casey, and others 
told me to go by all means. At this time Lieut. Thomas Wil- 
liams came in and found an invitation also, and it was decided 
we would go. 

The Doctor had a dinner of thirteen courses, provided by the 
prince of restaurant caterers. The wines were old and rare. 
The guests were Gen. Scott, Commander in Chief of the Army; 
Col. Sylvester Churchill, Inspector General; Lieut. Williams, 
and myself. Scott, Churchill, and the Doctor discussed the war 
of 1812 on the Canadian line, and the battles fought there; told 
how once they had so many prisoners and so few to guard them 
that they cut the suspenders of the prisoners to prevent their es- 
cape so easily, as it required one hand to hold their breeches up. 
I remember another that shows there must have been a good feel- 
ing between the officers on either side. Maj. Lomax, for some 
purpose, was sent to the British camp; and when he returned he 
was eagerly asked what news he had. "News! why there is 
British gold, yes, British gold in this camp." That seemed to 
imply treason, and an explanation was demanded, and it was 
given when Lomax from his pockets covered the table with Eng- 
lish sovereigns. He had been entertained cordially by the Brit- 
ish officers. The dinner did not end until midnight. Gen. Scott 
drank sherry only, except when sampling some choice wines that 



Pleasant Recollections. 29 

the Doctor bid the butler open. Col. Churchill was in tine hu- 
mor, and partly 

O'er a' the ills o' life victorious. 

At last the hour arrived to leave; then Gen. Scott, raising 
himself to his full height, and either impressed with the impor- 
tance of the occasion, or thinking perhaps he was again atLun- 
dy's Lane, "ordered his own aid, Lieut. Williams, to conduct 
Col. Churchill to his home, declaring it was not prudent for him 
to venture in the streets unprotected. 11 Then turning to me with 
much dignity, he announced: '"And I appoint Lieut. French a 
special aid to accompany me to my residence." 

The streets were deserted and silent, and the walk short. Tak- 
ing his arm, I went with him to his home, rang the bell, and his 
servant met him at the door, and there my services as aid ter- 
minated. In after days and after years he was ever consider- 
ate and kind to me. The conqueror lives, but the man is dead. 
But O how pleasant the recollection of the times when those pure 
and knightly men with generous hearts, untouched by avarice, 
never closed the " door of mercy on mankind. 11 Such men were 
Gens. Scott, Jesup, Gibson, Towson, Lawson, Totten, Abert, 
Cooper, and others. Then men served God and their country 
rather than mammon. The maddening, wild, and frantic rush 
for wealth was unknown, and life was one of enjoyment without 
extravagance. 



CHAPTER III. 

Death of Hon. A. P. Upshur, Secretary of State — Calhoun Appointed — 
Treaty of Annexation of Texas — Declaration of the State of Massachu- 
setts — Texas Accepts the Resolution of Annexation — Foi-mation of Arrny 
of Occupation — Transferred to Maj. S. Ringgold's Battery of Horse Ar- 
tillery — Officers Sail for Aransas Pass — The Wicked Captain — Becalmed 
— Cross Bahama Banks — Key West — Out of Drinking Water — Fare on 
Board Ship — Storm — Aransas Pass— St. Joseph's Island — Maj. Ring- 
gold's Cook — Embark for Corpus Christi — Game and Fish— Horse Ra- 
cing — White Horse of the Prairies — Trip to San Antonio — The Town — 
Incidents of the Trip. 

AT this time there was being discussed by the public a mat- 
ter that was destined soon to put an end to the pleasant 
life we were leading here. 

After the death of Abel P. Upshur, Secretary of State, John 
C. Calhoun was appointed to till the vacancy, and the question 
of the admission of Texas as a State was discussed, and on the 
12th of April a treaty of annexation was signed by him; and it 
was rejected by the Senate of the United States. So bitter was 
the feeling that, notwithstanding the purchase of Louisiana 
and Florida [and Alaska since], Massachusetts, through her Leg- 
islature, declared that Congress had no right or power to admit 
a foreign State or Territory into the Union; and that if Texas 
was admitted it would not be binding <>n her. By this Massa- 
chusetts made a declaration which the State could not carry out 
without secedi/ng from the Union, yet she seceded not. 

Soon after the inauguration of Mr. Polk as President a reso- 
lution for annexation was passed by Congress, and on June 23, 
L845, Texas accepted the resolution, and became a State in the 
Union December 29. 

It became evident now. when Texas accepted the resolution, 
that the government would be obliged to defend the new State 
from invasion by Mexico, and the army officers were anxious to 
go to the frontier to defend the boundary of the country. To 
meet the threats of Mexico, an army of occupation was gradual- 
ly formed at Corpus Christi. When the order came for Maj. 
Ringgold's battery of horse artillery to be in readiness to move, 
and the Adjutant General came over to Fort McHenrv to trans- 



Ord's Boomebasg. 31 

fer some of Capt. Wall's men to Ringgold's company, I asked 
Ringgold if he wished me to go with him. Taking me by the 
hand, he exclaimed, "My dear fellow, yes;" and, turning to the 
Adjutant General, he asked him to make the transfer and 'twas 
done, and I made preparations to leave. 

The ship Hermann was chartered, and the horses, to the 
number of one hundred and fifty, were put on board the ship 
between decks, in temporary stalls, secured by broad canvas 
bands under their bodies to prevent them from being thrown 
from their feet by the motion of the vessel. The company offi- 
cers were Ringgold, Ridgely, Shover, Fremont, and myself. 
The officers left in the fort were Wall, Tompkins, and Ord. 
After we left, this company was ordered to California. W. T. 
Sherman was with it; and they were quiet on the shore of the Pa- 
cific during the war. I met ( )rd once after the war in Washington. 
His hobby then was the Australian boomerang. He took me to 
a room, about sixty by forty, to show me how he could throw 
them to the end of the room and make them come back and fall 
at his feet. He was studying out some machine to discharge 
them rapidly and thereby till the air with scythe blades to cut 
oft the heads of an enemy, and every boomerang that did not 
strike an enemy was to return to the fort. I could not see why 
this boomerang, when it returned, would not injure the person 
that sent it. And thus it is; we all have some hobby on hand, 
but fortunately most of them are as harmless as Ord's boomer- 
ang, except we cannot get oft' this kind of a horse and rest and 
sleep as we do from a real horse. 

The day came when the cry was heard: "All on board." 
"Farewell," the parting word of friends, was spoken, the lines 
cast oft, and the ship passed down the Patapsco river to Chesa- 
peake Bay, to the Atlantic. The voyage to Aransas Pass was 
tedious and not particularly eventful. The captain was a scoun- 
drel and a sinner. I found amusement in going aloft and sitting 
in the foretop surveying the ocean's wide expanse without in- 
trusion. When we neared the Bahamas we were becalmed nine 
days, and the wicked captain would lie on his back and curse 
even his Creator. 

I had, as well as the captain, made all the observations for 
latitude and time, to compare with his. We reached the "Hole 
in the Wall" about sunset, and I made a sketch of it; passed 



32 Two Wars. 

(Jreat Stirrup-cay light about 1<> p.m. At 2 a.m. the captain and 
mate came into our cabin, where his chart was on the table, and 
he tried to impress on the mate that the light ahead was the 
Florida light; that he had crossed the ( rulf Stream and was Hear- 
ing the Florida coast; and that the ship's course should be 
changed southerly. I heard this with alarm, tor I could not be- 
lieve it possible that we had passed the "Great Isaacs" and the 
Straits of Florida. I went on deck at the dawn of day. and saw 
white sand and rocks that did not appear more than a dozen feet 
beneath the water. I went forward, found the captain, and asked 
him if he was not on the Bahama Banks. Hedenied.it. I went 
immediately and made known the situation to Maj. Ringgold. 
He appeared to take hut little interest in the matter, supposed 
the ship was all right, etc. 

Ahout sunrise he came out, and I called his attention to the 
shoal water and rocks and the lighthouse on our sta/rboa/rd bow. 
He spoke to the captain about what I told him, and was informed 
that I was a hoy and did not know what 1 was talking about. 
The blue line of the deep water was in front of us. and a hark 
under full sail on the other side of the lighthouse heading south; 
and as we neared each other our captain took his trumpet and 
asked. "What ship is that?" and the reply was prompt, "What 
in h-11 are you doing there?" I turned to the Major and asked 
him if that answer did not explain the situation. The bark was 
the Caleb dishing, bound to New Orleans laden with ice. I 
believe to-day it was an attempt to wreck the ship, where life 
was safe, to get the insurance. 

As we were nearly out of drinking water, there was a necessi- 
ty to run into the nearest port for a fresh supply, and the ship 
put into Key West. What a relief ! That miserable captain had 
fed us on junk meat, boiled dried-apple pudding, and hardtack 
with weak coffee. I have never eaten any of these dishes since. 
We remained in Key West one day and night, and sailed the 
next morning. There we got some West Indies fruit and plen- 
ty of limes. 

The ship was now provisioned with green turtle, the only meat 
I saw in the market in the town, and now turtle was substituted 
for salt beef; and henceforth it was turtle steak, turtle soup (in 
name only), and turtle at every meal until it became as unpal- 
atable as junk beef. Some days after leaving Key West clouds 



Storm on the Gulf. 33 

from the south-east began to fly over, extremely low, driven by 
a current just above us. The captain took in sail, leaving only 
spread the jib, fore-topsail, main topsail, and spanker, and I be- 
lieve the mainsail. 1 was sitting in the cabin when all at once 
tables, chairs, trunks, and everything moveable were shot to the 
starboard side in a heap. I caught hold of some fixtures, got 
out the cabin, which was on deck, and clung to the weather 
shrouds. The ship was nearly on her side. The captain jumped 
for the halyards, sailors slid down the deck, feet foremost, to let 
them go. I had been anxious to be in a storm on the ocean, and 
here was one quite unexpected. 

What riveted my attention mainly was the roaring of the tem- 
pest through the rigging. The great shrouds vibrated with a 
sound that made the ship tremble, and every rope and cord 
shrieked aloud in a different tone according to size, creating a 
thundering, howling, shrieking roar that impressed me with awe 
not unlike that I felt under the falls of Niagara. I was so fas- 
cinated with the music of the tempest that 1 was oblivious to the 
thought of danger, until the ship began to rise from her side, 
and when she rose well on her keel 1 thought the horses would 
kick the vessel to pieces. 

When we arrived at Aransas Pass the sea was high and the 
wind strong, and no lighters would venture outside to come to 
us. The discharging the cargo was tedious, as the horses had to 
be swung to the yardarms and low r ered into the pitching tugs 
alongside. I had been forty-six days on board ship, and joyous 
was it to be landed on St. Joseph's Island. 

I will make a small digression here, because it will shed some 
light on matters hereafter, and show that a camp may have some 
attractions as well as a palace. 

Maj. Ringgold carried with him a middle-aged colored servant 
who had much experience in arranging dinner and supper par- 
ties in Baltimore. He cared for nothing save to surprise us with 
dishes that would have delighted Lucullus. Such pompano, 
baked red snappers, boiled red fish, delicate soups, turkeys, geese, 
ducks, and game birds on toast. In pastry he had no superior. 
Never could we, by money or otherwise, discover how he pre- 
pared his sauces. In taste in arranging a table he resembled 
Ward McAllister, and he was fitted for a " chef " at Delmonico's 
or the Waldorf. 
3 



34 Two Wars. 

Ridgely had an old slave servant, and Shover and I colored 
men hired. They were all true and faithful servants, yet in dis- 
regard of instructions they would ride down and find us on the 
battlefield with a good luncheon. They always wished to 2:0 with 
us when there was a prospect of a fight. So now you can un- 
derstand how much I rejoiced to leave that villainous captain 
and ship, and enjoy again the luxury of a clean table. 

The terms of annexation proposed by the United States were 
accepted duly 4, 1845, and (Jen. Taylor was already at Corpus 
Christi with a considerable force when we landed on St. Jo- 
seph's Island. Consequently our stay on the island was soon 
terminated by our embarking on a light draft steamer for Cor 
pus Christi. As the water is shoal in front of this place, the 
steamer was anchored near a mile from shore', and the horses 
thrown overboard and made to swim to land. Corpus Christi 
is on the westerly side of the Nueces River, and consequently 
the United States troops were occupying the disputed territory. 
I have no date to guide me now, but it must have been about the 
last of October when we landed on the barren sands of the Bay 
of Nueces. Here a permanent cam}) and depot were established, 
and discipline in the troops commenced. 

There was but one house in this town at that time. It was a can- 
vas town. It was not an unpleasant place to be in. Lieut. 
John B. Magruder was a good theatrical manager, and under his 
charge a theater was constructed, and a fair company of actors 
enlisted. This attracted some professional of the boards, and 
thus nightly entertainments were provided. The disciples of 
Isaac Walton had rare sport in the bay and streams; and sports- 
men a field for all kind of game. During the winter a cold 
"norther" prevailed, and thousands of green turtle, pompano, 
red fish, red snappers, and other of the tinny tribe were be- 
numbed and cast on the shores on every side. The number of 
wild geese that nightly came from the prairies to rest on the 
waters of the bay was beyond estimate. A few miles up the bay, 
at sunset, the geese would obscure the sky from zenith to the 
verge of the horizon, and bewilder the young sportsman, who 
would always want two or three at a shot instead of one. 'Pen 
minutes, usually, would suffice to get as many geese as our horses 
could carry. 

Peer and turkeys were abundant, but on the open prairie would 



Mexican Ponies. 35 

provokingly move along in front of the hunter just out of range 
of shot. Jack or English snipe would rise from the marshy 
places in flocks instead of a brace. There was a bird frequently 
seen in the roads and paths near camp, always alone, shaped like 
a game cock, that excited curiosity. Finally it was shot, and is 
now known as the chaparral cock. 

Soldiers found amusement in betting on Mexican ponies 
trained to stop instantly on the slightest touch of the reins. A 
line would be marked in the sand on the seashore, and the rider 
of the pony would take all Wets that he could run his pony a 
hundred yards at full speed and stop him instantly (say) within 
a foot of the line, and not pass over it; and they generally won 
the bets. 

Many fleet ponies were brought there, and racing was a dailj 
occurrence. On one occasion the officers got up a grand race, 
(apt. May and Lieut. Randolph Ridgely were to ride the re 
spective horses. When mounted. May's feet nearly reached the 
ground; and they rode "bareback." It was an exciting race. 
On they came under whip and spur amidst the crowd shouting 
wild hurrah. As they crossed the goal, May thoughtlessly checked 
his pony, and instantly the animal straightened his forelegs and 
stopped; but May. not having braced himself, went on. Seizing 
the pony by the neck with both hands, his legs rose in the air. 
and he made a complete somersault, landing on thegroundsome 
twelve or more feet in front of the pony. As he was not injured, 
the crowd went wild with joy. 

A great number of Mexicans would daily visit our camp with 
horses, or rather ponies, saddles, bridles, blankets, and other 
horse equipments for sale. I have had a horse and saddle of- 
fered for seventy-tive dollars, or seventy for the saddle and five 
for the horse. I bought the best trained hunting pony that 1 
have ever known for fifteen dollars. The owner protested that 
he was ww mucho bueno" for hunting, and so he proved. At full 
speed he had been trained to stop instantly the moment a motion 
was made to tire the gun. I once had this pony to go up and rub 
the side of his head on the wheel of a piece of artillery when be- 
ing tired rapidly in battle. He loved the smell of gunpowder 
better than I did. Nearly all the officers bought ponies for them- 
selves or servants to ride. We heard so much about the great 
snow-white horse of the prairies, with a long flowing tail that 



36 Tun Wans. 

>\\ ept the green grass, and a mane below his knees, that I thought 
it was a phantom horse on the land like the flying Dutchman on 
the sea. I was mistaken. I heard one day he had been Lassoed 
and sold to the quartermaster of the post, so I went " for to see" 
him. There he was, chained to the pole of an army wagon. He 
would kick at every person and animal that ventured near hint. 
1 left him kicking at the man who fed him on hay tied on the 
end of a twenty-fool pole. What became of this emblematic 
horse I cannot tell. 

The desire "to know the world by sight and not by books" 
was increased. I had seen the Atlantic's deep heaving swells. 
the tempest in its might on the gulf, the calms on the borders 
of the tropics, with those never-to-be-forgotten beauties caused 
by the setting sun behind those wonderful clouds. Every even- 
ing :is the sun declined, great hanks of blue and purple clouds 
would form, presenting to the eye. without the aid of imagina- 
tion, the most lovely plains, bold mountain ranges, whose tops 
were draped in fantastic clouds. Temples that were as gloomy 
as Egypt's: castles as enchanting as those on the Rhine; chariots 
with horses; human faces and animals in silhouette; lions in re 
pose and lions rampant; phantasms woven out of clouds by rays 
of the setting sun: all. all changing in expression and form by the 
gentle movements of the clouds, fading away in outline into one 
vast glovi of crimson twilight that dissolved into air: 

"And like the baseless fabric <>t' a vision, lefl aol track behind.*' 

And now learning that a small train of wagons would soon 
leave for San Antonio. 1 obtained a month's leave to visit that 
city, made memorable by the defense of the Alamo and other 
tragic events. When the time came to start [met Limit. W. L. 
Crittenden, who told me he had a leave and was also going with 
tin 1 train. The expedition was in charge of ("apt. N. B. Ros- 
sell. When we came to the San Patricio crossing of the Nueces 
river the train could not cross by reason of the rains, [inpa- 
tient of delay. I proposed to Crittenden and two gentlemen from 
Kentucky that we "cut loose" from the train and proceed on 
our journey. There was with the train a Mr. Campbell, who 
lived in San Antonio, and he was willing to undertake to pilot 
us over this unknown, untrodden, pathless country. 

At the close of the first day, the eruide and 1 being in advance, 



Abvndance of Game. 37 

we came to a small, dear, bubbling brook, and be said: " Here 
we will encamp for the night" So, dismounting, I hitchedmy 

pony and went up the stream in quest of turkeys that I heard 
gobbling. I found them going to roost, and covetous of num- 
bers, I would not shoot one and return as I should have done. 
I heard the party shouting for me. So, waitingtill a number of 
turkeys were in the tree, I fired both barrels, and only two of the 
birds fell when I expected double that number. When I wenl 
In gel the birds, alas! they were on an island and I had to leave 
them. 11 was now dark, and as I had crossed to the left bank 
of the stream I went on down until I supposed I was near the 
camp, and made a soft halloo! No answer. I then shouted 
louder and louder; then all was silence. I fell a peculiar crawl- 
ing sensation running over me. and I think my hair objected i<> 
my wearing my hat. I took a survey of the situation. I was 
alone in an Indian country; it was very dark, and I must not pass 
over the trail where we crossed the stream. Aided with the 
lighl of matches and burning grass I discovered the trail and 
found ray pony hitched where I left him. Mounting him, [fol- 
lowed the trail. After a while I heard far away some one hal- 
loo. It was Crittenden returning for me. We met. and I reached 
camp in no pleasant mood. It was an experience I have only 
once since undergone, and the sensations of the mind when lost 
are bewildering. 

It was the average estimate of the party that the number of 
(\wv that moved to the righl and left of our trail was not less 
than twelve hundred, besides numerous antelope. Out of all 
this number we never killed one, for we had no rifle, and they 
would walk off or keep provokingly just out of gunshot. We 
killed all the turkeys we wanted for food. In four days we 
reached San Antonio. There were hut four white families 
living in the town at that date: Volney Howard, Tom How- 
ard, our guide Campbell, and Mrs. Bradley. Lands were 
offered us at six cents per acre that commands now over a 
thousand dollars per acre, and the population is at present fifty 
thousand. 

At the San Pedro Springs, the source of the San Antonio river, 
where the river in its strength gushes up from the earth, we 
found Col. Harney encamped with a squadron of dragoons. He 
had built an observatory from which to obtain a view of the sur- 



38 Two Wabs. 

rounding country. From the top hundreds of deer could be seen 
quietly grazing on the prairies near by.* 

Wild hogs and large wolves infested the chaparral around the 
hills, and were caught in traps. The country is beautiful to the 
eye, and the city sleeps in what may be termed a valley, by rea- 
son of the low hills on the north and east. To the west the plain 
extends to the Medina river. Western Texas in the months of 
March and April is lovely beyond comparison. The green o^-ass 

*Col. Harney was annoyed by the number of blackbirds that would 
feed with the horses, eating the grain; so while the horses were out graz- 
ing I asked an officer for a gun to kill some of the birds. He handed me a 
long single-barreled one with a bore about the size of a half dollar. From 
the powder Bask I put in two charges of powder and shot. The ground 
was covered with birds. I tired anil killed none; the charge was too 
small. The doctor (I think he was a doctor) said he would load it forme, 
sol took another shot. This time I thought my arm dislocated at the 
shoulder. I did not count the number of birds, but the ground was cov- 
ered with the dead and wounded. I played indifference while meditating 
revenge for a sore shoulder. Going to the top of the observatory, I saw 
perhaps a hundred deer grazing close by: so I was taken with a desire to 
kill one. and again asked the doctor for his gun. He proposed loading it 
for me. I told him I preferred doing it myself. I put in three charges of 
powder, or three drams, and about forty small buckshot, and oft' I went 
for a deer. The herd grazed along before me up the slope of a ridge, and 
passed over it. 1 crawled on my hands and knees to the crest, and such 
a sight! A number of single deer wore within twenty yards of me. At 
once 1 became covetous. Shoot a single deer'.' No. I wanted four or 
live (remembering •■all things come to those who wait "), so presently five 
or six were nearly in a line, but more distant: and when 1 pulled the trig- 
ger the gun said '"rush," and the smoke came in my face. As I looked 
over the held 1 was amazed. There were all the deer standing facing me, 
their heads high, ears spread out wide, and their large, soft, mild eyes 
looking at me imploringly; and not alarmed Probably they had never 
heard a guu (and 1 am quite sure they did not hear this one), for the In- 
dians then were armed only with bows and arrows. 

I sat down on the green grass and looked at the deer, and felt that ex- 
perience must be a good teacher. But the days came when I did kill 
many: but the lirst one fell dead from a shot from my pistol. 

I make mention of these little events that belong to the past to show 
how great is the change made in a few passing years. Where now is all 
this game, and where are the Indians'.' Alike they have disappeared be- 
fore the advance of avaricious civilization, from San Antonio to ( 'orpus 
Christi and to El Paso the country was as God made it. unchanged by In- 
. dians, and over the plains and on a thousand hills roamed deer, wild tur- 
key, partridges, and the waters swarmed with swan, geese, and ducks un- 
molested by sportsmen. 



McLaws Wounded. 39 

is hidden beneath flowers of every color: not flowers here and 
there, but one unbroken mass, presenting a richness of coloring 
beyond the art of man: as we ride along there are acres of solid 
blue, then of white, now of yellow, then pink and purple: then 
all mixed up of every hue. as I once saw petunias on the lawn 
at Capo di Monti, in Naples. 

My stay in San Antonio depended on the departure of the 
train. There were a number of army officers waiting the con- 
venience and protection of the wagons. The evening of our de- 
parture was notable for an incident illustrating the power of im- 
agination over bodily feeling. Most of the officers had arrived 
at the camping ground in advance of the wagons, and were sit- 
ting under the trees wlicn they came. As the train was passing 
by Crittenden got up and took from his pocket what was called 
a pepper box pistol and tired at a tree in a line parallel to the 
road, dust at thai time Lieut. Lafayette McLaws left the train 
to come where we were, and shouted: "Quit firing, I am shot."" 
As he was not in range, no one regarded what he said, and Crit- 
tenden kept on firing the revolver. 

When McLaws rode up he had a wild look, and the bosom of 
his shirt was red with blood. A ball hitting the tree had glanced 
off at an angle and struck him. He was taken from his horse 
and the wound examined. There was the hole where the bullet 
entered the breast, and lie was spitting blood: and no surgeon 
being present he was put in a wagon to be taken back to San 
Antonio. He was resting on his back on straw and I was by his 
side. Again he spit some blood. He said: " My days are num- 
bered. My whole chest is filled with blood, and I can feel the 
blood shaking inside as though T were tilled with water." He was 
satisfied that he would soon die from internal hemorrhage; and 
perhaps he would, but fortunately it was discovered that the ball 
had also hit his index finger, that he had unknowingly sucked it in 
hismouth, and this was the blood he was spitting up. I therefore 
got out the wagon and left him. On arrival in San Antonio the 
wound was probed by a surgeon and the ball discovered near the 
spine. It Avas a glancing shot that pressing against the skin fol- 
lowed the line of least resistance until arrested by the spine. He 
soon recovered and came back to Corpus Christi. 

On the way back, when we struck the Nueces river we discov- 
ered that the timber was a turJcey roost. As the train was going 



40 Two Wars. 

only three miles farther on to camp, a young man, son of Col. 
Mcintosh, and I agreed to remain there until dark and kill some 
turkeys. Mcintosh selected a tree under the bank near the riv- 
er; I fastened my pony to a bush on the plain and sat under the 
bank in the woods on the second bottom. About sunset great 
flocks of turkeys began to appear until the plains were alive with 
them. They were disturbed by my pony being tied there. As it 
grew dark they came into the trees or woods, flock after flock, 
in such numbers that they bent the limbs and fell to the ground 
all around me. I made seven shots, shooting only at the head 
as they were so near me. I picked up six fine gobblers (I would 
shoot no hens), and, staggering under the load, reached my pony. 
1 threw the turkeys down and mounting my pony rode to Mc- 
Lntosh. Mcintosh had fired both barrels, and had one turkey. He 
had stopped without any other ammunition. Accompanying me 
back to where my game was, we tied the turkeys and put them 
over the necks of our horses and went into camp. 1 have no 
doubt that more than a thousand turkeys flew into that timber 
to roost ; they were on the ground all around me, and they could 
have been killed with a walking stick. I do not believe they had 
ever heard a gun fired before. By the stupidity of not protect- 
ing game by proper laws it has all disappeared long since. In- 
dians obtained rifles and ammunition from traders, and the deer 
were killed solely for their skins; and the wild members of the 
Legislature looked on and said: "Let the boys hunt whenever 
they please; the country and all it contains belongs to them." 
It is now justly held that all game belongs to the State and be- 
comes the property of the individual only as permitted by law, 
and after it is killed. 



CHAPTER IV. 

President of Mexico Resigns, and Paredes Is Elected— Mexican Troops 
Concentrating at Matamoras — Taylor Marches to the Rio Grande — Rat- 
tlesnakes — Mirage— Wild Horses — Taylor Concentrates His Troops at 
Arroyo, Colo.— Bull Fight— Mexicans Flee— Taylor Goes to Point Isabel 
— Join Gen. Worth — Field Works— Arrival of Gen. Ampudia— Orders 
Taylor to Leave — Taylor Declines— Col. Cross Murdered — Lieut. Por- 
ter Killed — Gen. Arista Arrives— Declares Hostilities Commenced — 
Capts. Thornton and Hardee Captured 

DURING the winter the friendly Mexicans who came to the 
camp would toll us of the preparations their government 
was making for war. 

At the close of December, L8<±5, Herrera was forced to resign 
the presidency ol Mexico. and Paredes was elected in his place; and 
detachments of troops began to move north, concentrating at 
Matamoras, on the Rio Grande, and the aspect of affairs looked 
quite belligerent. On the 22d of February, L846, a depot of 
supplies was established by our troops at Santa Gertrudes, some 
forty miles in advance on the route to Matamoras. On the 7th 
of March the tents of our company were struck preparatory to 
a move, and the day following the line of march for the Rio 
Grande commenced. 

The advance troops were a brigade of cavalry and Ringgold's 
battery of horse artillery. To be more minute, the order of 
march was: a company of cavalry, then our battery, then the 
main body of cavalry. As you can get all important matters 
from history, 1 shall allude only to what history generally omits, 
and relate minor aifairs or scenes behind history, like that un- 
known behind the stage. The first night out we encamped at a 
beautiful place covered with blue flowers like the hyacinth. It 
was pleasant to look at, an enchanting scene that would have 
been drowsy and dreamlike from the fragrance of the flowers 
had we not discovered nearly every man grazing his horse car- 
rying a small pole with which he was killing rattlesnakes. That 
night I slept on the ground and dreamed a great centipede was 
crawling over me, and T awoke with a great scream, like Dudu, 
from her sleep. 

We had breakfast at daylight, and while we were sitting by 



42 Two Wars. 

the camp fire waiting for the bugle to call, and watching the wild 
geese flying around overhead bewildered by the fires, I held rny 
gun pointing at them, and by some mishap it went off and alarmed 
the camp; l>ut a goose fell down, nevertheless, near me. The 
guide, Pedro, said we had sixteen miles to march that day to the 
next camp. Our line was diverging somewhat inland from t In- 
gulf shore, and all the prairie was one green carpet of grass and 
flowers as far as the eye could reach, when all at once there was 
a great ocean on our left and not far distant. Officers galloped 
to Pedro to learn what was the matter, and ere an explanation 
was had the mirage was gone, the ocean was gone, and we were 
on the lone prairie as before. 

The third day we were marching quietly along when an alarm 
was sounded. To our right and a little to the rear in the horizon 
was what appeared to be a column of cavalry bearing down on 
us. As it came nearer and nearer the cry arose: "Wild horses. 
wild horses!" Our battery was closed up, the advanced compa- 
ny of cavalry moved on. leaving a large opening; the dragoons 
massed, making an interval for the herd to pass through. On. 
and on they came and, at full speed, with their long flowing 
manes and tails, passed through the open space made by the bat 
tery and dragoons. There were between two and three hundred. 
As soon as they passed ('apt. May. Lieut. Ridgely, and some 
other officers were after them on their tine horses with lariat in 
hand, and after a ride of a mile or more came back each with a 
young colt. They stayed with our horses several days and then 
disappeared. When we encamped a pony that I had bought for 
my servant to ride was bitten on the face by a rattlesnake near 
the door of our tent. The animal was treated with ammonia and 
whisky. The next morning his head was so swollen that I left 
him behind. A servant of the paymaster, when the infantry 
came along, found the pony and brought it on to the Rio Grande 
and returned it to my boy. 

The infantry inarched by brigades at a day's interval. The 
officers and men being in uniform, wearing caps, had their lips 
and noses nearly raw from the sun and winds, and could not put 
a cup of coffee to their lips until it was cold. I wore an im- 
mense sombrero, or Mexican straw hat. On the route I was 
often told: "When Gen. Taylor comes up you will be put in ar- 
rest for wearing that hat." The army concentrated near the 



Some Spanish Sport. 43 

Arroyo Colorado, where the genera] commanding overtook us. 
I went over to call on him the next morning, and found him in 
front of his tent sitting on a camp stool eating breakfast. His 
table was the lid of tin 1 mess chest. His nose was white from the 
peeling off of the skin, and his lips raw. As I came up he sa- 
luted me with: "Good morning, lieutenant, good morning; sen- 
sible man to wear a hat." So I was commended instead of be- 
ing censured for making myself comfortable. His coffee was in 
a tin cup, and his lips so sore that the heat of the tin was pain- 
ful. 

A day or so after this the advance pickets encountered a 
herd of wild cattle that all ran away except an old bull that 
showed tight. Hearing shots in advance I galloped, on and found 
four or live cavalrymen around this animal, that looked as if he 
might be the grandsire of the herd. Every shot tired from the 
carbines had failed to penetrate the skin. 1 was armed with my 
shotgun and a brace of old pistols made in Marseilles, France, 
that Lieut. V . S. Grant gave me to cany along for him. I tired 
both these pistols at the enraged animal, and the halls only made 
the skin red by removing the hair. We now persuaded a dra- 
goon to put himself in front of the beast while I approached 
within twenty feet of his side, and from my gun fired a ball that 
penetrated the lungs. Still he pawed the earth and charged the 
horses, some of which were injured, and inspired new life to all 
around him while his own was ebbing. At last a dragoon dis- 
mounted, cautiously approached, shot him in the forehead, 
and the already weakened bull fell on his knees and rolled on his 
side — dead. 

This tight was not conducted according to all the rules of the 
ring at Madrid. We had, however, a dozen picadors anda mat- 
adore, and they performed feats of valor without the approv- 
ing smiles of black-eyed senoras or the applause of the grandees, 
which in Spain nerves the actors to daring deeds; but there was 
a compensation, for there were no hisses when one tied from the 
bull to save his horse, or sought a raking position in the rear to 
encourage those in front. The lesson I drew from this kind of 
recreation was that at the next bullfight I would be found among 
the spectators and not in the arena. 

This continued tiring by the advance guard caused troops to 
hasten to the front to ascertain the reason of the tumult, and 



44 Two Wars. 

when it was reported to Gen. Taylor that according to the rules 
of Texas, Mexico, and Spain a bull had been found, an amphi- 
theater marked out, and that a real bull tight had taken place; 
that the noble animal had been slain for amusement, and that his 
cavalry was not well trained and had been tossed by the bull, he 
grew irate, and alas! to spoil our little game of recreations away 
in front, caused an order to be issued forbidding all tiring un -the 
march, unless necessitated by the presenceof the enemy. Hence- 
forth the bulls, deer, and jack rabbits became friendly with Is, 
and we passed them by in silence. 

Nearly every day small armed parties of Mexicans were seen 
away in advance, and once when we rode to a small pond to w&- 
ter our horses we found a party of Mexican lancers watering 
theirs also. A few words of salutation passed, when they moved 
on and disappeared. Once they set the prairie on tire, and we 
had to drive through the leaping Haines with our guns and cais- 
sons tilled with ammunition. 

On the 19th the head of the column was halted and went into 
cam]) about three or four miles oil the stream called Arroyo Col- 
orado, to wait the arrival or concentration of all the troops, 
about four thousand in number, and preparation to cross was 
made by the engineers. On the morning of the 20th, our bat- 
tery was put in position on the banks of the river where the 
earth had been cut down for it to cross, and where its tire could 
command the opposite shore and cover the landing of the infan- 
try. Notice had been given the engineer officer by the Mexi- 
cans that the forces on the Mexican shore were under positive 
orders to tire on any of our troops attempting to cross. Again 
a like notice w T as sent to (Jen. Taylor, and a proclamation that 
had been issued by (Jen. Mejia a day or two past was handed to 
him. During this time an awful din was made on the Mexican 
side by bugle calls away down, and far up the river, and kettle- 
drums and life in the woods in front. Our guns were loaded 
and matches lit when the old General gave the command for the 
infantry to cross. The head of the columns-plunged into the wa- 
ter, holding their cartridge boxes and muskets high, and, land- 
ing, deployed at once right and left. Other troops crossed above 
on the right, and when all moved forward not a Mexican was 
seen. 

On the 24th we arrived at a point on the main road running 



In the Land of Mo ah. 45 

from Point Isabel to Matamoras which was ten miles from Point 
Isabel and a like distance from Matamoras. (Jen. Worth was 
directed to move on toward the Rio Grande near Matamoras 
with the infantry, while Gen. Taylor, with our battery and the 
dragoons, went down to meet Maj. Munroe at Point Isabel, where 
he had established a depot of supplies for the army. On the 
26th Gen. Taylor, with his escort of cavalry and artillery, joined 
the main body under Worth, and on the 28th the army encamped 
on the river bank opposite Matamoras. 

The arrival of Gen. Taylor with his army, quietly taking the 
position he did, no doubt produced some consternation. Mexi- 
can infantry was seen in motion in the city. They had the river 
picketed and batteries placed to bear on our camp. 

The Mexican commander insisted that all was lovely, and that 
there was no war; that the acts of hostility were little events 
little incidents — to make our arrival interesting and pleasant. 
That the Consul for the United States in Matamoras was free, 
and a gentleman of leisure, but that (Jen. Taylor could not in- 
terview him without permission from the Commandante. 

Notwithstanding "the distinguished consideration " and affec- 
tionate regard expressed in the communications for the Ameri- 
canos, Gen. Taylor concluded to put up some field works or for- 
tifications out of courtesy to those being constructed by the 
Mexicans. We were in the land of Moab, and the promised 
land was on the other side. There was the city embowered in 
green foliage, with tropical plants around the white houses, and 
there, when the sun was declining, would assemble the female 
population to see and to be seen, and listen to the music of the 
various bands. "Dixie" was not then born, the ''Bonnie Blue 
Flag" had not then been waved; and we played "Yankee Doodle " 
because it made a loud noise, the "Star-Spangled Banner * 1 because 
it waved over us, "Hail, Columbia" because it was inspiriting, and 
the sweetest airs from the operas for the beautiful senoritas with 
the rebosas that disclosed the sweet faces they were designed to 
hide. The music from the other side I cannot recall now, only 
it rose with a "voluptuous swell" that floated over the water 
and died away softly in the distance with the breath that made 
it. And all the while on our side the shore was lined with offi- 
cers and soldiers enjoying the scene before them — that had a 
short existence. 



46 Tiro Wars. 

"Ampudia has corne! Ampudia has come!" was heralded by 
every Mexican that came into our camp vending the products of 
the farms. And so it was. He came clothed in modesty, and 
made a display of it immediately by sending a dispatch on the 
12th ordering Gen. Taylor to get out of his camp in twenty-four 
hours, and not to stop on this side of the Nueces. I do not be- 
lieve Taylor was much acquainted with fear, because, instead of 
"folding his tents like the Arabs, and silently stealing away." 
he had the audacity to remain just where he was until the twen- 
ty-four hours had expired, and long after. 

About this time Col. Cross, of the quartermaster's depart- 
ment, was murdered by some one and his body thrown in the 
chaparral. I was with a party of officers that was riding up the 
river, not expressly in search of Col. Cross's body, some seven 
or eight days after he was missed, and we observed some vul- 
tures resting in an old tree top. I rode in toward them, and saw 
a blue coat on the ground. It was Col. Cross's, and some of his 
remains were there. They were afterwards gathered up and 
cared for properly. One of the parties, a detachment of dra- 
goons, sent in search of Cross's body got into a tight with the 
Mexicans and Lieut. Porter was killed; and yet there was no 
war '. 

And now a greater than Ampudia had arrived, and on the 24th 
of April (Ten. Arista assumed command of the Mexican army 
now encamped in and around the city, and he informed Taylor 
that he considered hostilities commenced, and had " let slip the 
dogs of war." The enemy was now reported to have crossed to 
our side in large numbers, and parties were sent out to make 
reconnoissances. one of which was captured by the Mexicans; 
and Capts. Thornton and Hardee were now prisoners of war. 



CHAPTER Y. 

Arista and His Cavalry United States Excited — Two Hundred Thousand 
Men Offer Their Services — Congress Declares -War Existed by the 
Acts of the Mexican Republic"- Taylor Marches to Point Isabel— Bom- 
bardment of Fort Brown— Capts. May and Walker — Taylor Marches 
for Matamoras — Battle of Palo Alto — Victory Arista Falls Back to Re 
saca — Battle of Resaca — Captureof Enemies' Batteries (apis. May and 
Ridgely— Gen. La Vega Captured — His Sword Presented to Taylor — 
Duncan and Ridgely Pursue the Enemy I Capture Fa Vega's Aid — 
Col. Mcintosh — Hide over the Field of Palo Alto Death of Lieut s. 
Chadburne and Stevens We take possession of Matamoras — Gen. 
Twiggs appointed Governor- Twiggs and Jesus Maria Arrival of 
Gens. W. 0. Butler. Robert Patterson, Pillow, and others Promoted to 
Second Lieutenant Officers of the Company March to Camargo— 
Thence to Monterey Seralvo Arrival al Monterey. 

AND now Arista, on the part of the Mexican government, 
having declared that war existed: and some of our forces, 
both men and officers, having been killed or captured, the pony ex- 
press carried this news to the city of New Orleans; and as there 
was no telegraph, it spread all over the country and became mag- 
nified like "the three black crows." The apprehension that we 
were cut off from communicating with home by Arista's army 
occupying a position between us and Point Isabel was wide- 
spread, and impromptu meetings held for volunteers to go to the 
relief of our army, and thousands responded to the call. Con- 
gresswas in session, and it promptly declared that "* war existed by 
the acts of the Mexican Republic," and authorized the President 
to accept into service fifty thousand volunteers. As over two 
hundred thousand men offered their services, it may be, as Mark 
Twain once observed, that many persons " persuaded their wives' 
relations" to avail themselvesof this unique occasion to visit the 
land of the Aztecs, and enjoy balmy breezes under the shade of 
the acacia, the bamboo, and the pomegranate, with transporta- 
tion free. In the meantime we were in blissful ignorance that 
we were in such danger, and did not know it until our friends 
came to our relief. 

When Arista landed a part of his force on our side of the 
river, it was put in the field under the command of Gen. Torre- 
jon, and, being cavalry, had gained possession of the road lead- 



48 Two Wars. 

ing to Point Isabel, thus cutting off all the creature comforts 
that we daily enjoyed. If it did not affect our pockets, it cur- 
tailed the duties of our chefdt cuisine, and diminished the pleas- 
ures of the table. In plain English, rations were getting short, 
and the less we had to eat the harder we worked on the fort and 
oilier defenses. 

May I >ay, when our friends were inhaling the fragrance of the 
bloom of the peach and cherry, the rose and the violet, and 
children were dancing around the maypole, we were striking 
our tents, packing up "traps," burning letters, preparatory to 
leaving for Point Isabel. A mocking bird that would sit on the 
ridgepole of my tent and sing to me daily, and warble sweet 
notes by moonlight, now sat on the fence adjoining and sung a 
parting song, for I never saw him again, and it tilled my heart 
with sadness. Sing on, dear bird: I hear thee now! 

The Seventh Regiment of Infantry, Bragg's company, or bat- 
tery, and a company of foot artillery were left in the fort under 
Maj. Brown, and Gen. Taylor started for Point Isabel, where our 
supplies were in store. The day following we arrived, and I 
was delighted to see old ocean again. Our departure should not 
have been made an occasion for sensible persons to rejoice, for 
did we not trust about six hundred men to entertain the Mexi- 
cans during our absence? and thus notify them that we purposed 
to return, and did we not do so I 

"And I have loved thee, ocean." and 1 love thee still, and I 
was content to hear thy voice again and be near thee; hut life is 
a dream, and from that dream I was awakened at dawn on the 
morning of the 3d. I was sleeping on the ground. A dull dis- 
tant sound broke on my ear. I rested my head on my elbow, and 
heard nothing: putting my ear again to the earth. I heard the 
boom! boom! of distant cannon. It was heard by others, and 
soon the camp was astir. It was now certain from the continu- 
ous sounds that Fort Brown was being bombarded. Gen. Tay- 
lor sent out Capts. May and Walker to communicate with Maj. 
Brown, and Walker succeeded in getting into the fort and re- 
turning. The defense of Point Isabel was to he intrusted to 
Maj. Munroe. assisted by the navy in command of Commodore 
Connor: and the army, now reduced to two thousand four hun- 
dred men, was to move to the relief of the garrison in Fort 
Brown. 



Facing Arista. 49 

About noon on the 7th this little force started to meet Arista. 
who was between us and Fort Brown, without a question or doubt 
of getting there, although it was known the enemy's force num- 
bered about eight thousand men. It was near noon on the 8th 
of May when far away over the broad prairie, dimly outlined, 
was seen a dark line directly in front of us. It was the Mexi- 
can army drawn up in battle array across our road to Matamo- 
ras. When we arrived where there was water Gen. Taylor halt- 
ed to give the men time to till their canteens and to have a little 
rest. 

Soon the long roll sounded, hearts heat, pulses kept time, and 
knees trembled and would not be still. Our line was formed as 
follows: the fifth infantry (Col. Mcintosh), Ringgold's battery, 
third infantry, two long, heavy iron eighteen pounders, fourth 
infantry, and two squadrons of dragoons posted on our right, 
all commanded by Col. Twiggs, formed the right wing; the left 
was a battalion of foot artillery, Duncan's battery, and eighth 
infantry. In some respects it was a laughable thing to see the 
deployment of our line, of which the Mexicans were quiet spec- 
tators. Looking back from where we came into battery, which 
was executed in a half minute and in advance of the infantry, I 
could see the two great, long, heavy iron eighteen pounders, and 
the white-topped ammunition wagons lumbering along to get 
into line, drawn by a team of twenty oxen each. They came 
into line by words of command not laid down in the work on 
tactics; they described a great semicircle at the commands, 
" Haw, Buck! haw, Brindle! whoa, Brandy! " and tinally got their 
muzzles pointed to the front. If we had had elephants in place 
of the oxen, it would have been more picturesque, and presented 
a fine panorama. 

Arista must have thought he had performed his whole duty 
when he barred the road with his troops to prevent Taylor from 
advancing. He had been in line of hat tic all the morning await- 
ing our coming, yet he permitted us to deploy undisturbed, al- 
though we were in easy range of his guns, instead of assuming 
the offensive as he should have done. With a courtesy becom- 
ing a knight of the Middle Ages he permitted Lieut. Blake, in 
the presence of the armies, to ride down to within musket shot 
of his line, to dismount and survey his troops through his glass, 
then to remount and ride along down his front without allowing 
4 



50 Two Wars. 

a shot to be tired at him. As this reconnoissance had unmasked 
his artillery, he ran his guns to the front, and the artillery on 
both sides commenced firing. My rank assigned me to the duty 
of sitting on my horse to look at the fight and watch the cais- 
sons. Presently a small shell came along and struck the driver 
of the lead horses. The shell entered his body after carrying 
away the pommel of his saddle, and exploded the moment it left 
his body, as fragments of it Mounded his horse in the hip, split 
the lip and tongue, and knocked. out some teeth of a second horse 
and broke the jaw of Lieut. Ridgely's blooded mare. That was 
the first man I saw killed in battle. It was war. but it was not 
pleasant, and I thought it was no place for me to sit on my horse 
idle: so. dismounting, I gave ray horse to a horse holder, and 
walked to the howitzer on the right, took command of it. and 
helped work it. As no one demurred at what I was doing, I re- 
mained in charge of it all day. 1 would prefer to take my rod 
and line and go fishing, even if I got only a nibble, than to sit 
still on a horse offering myself as a targetfor cannon balls. To 
have a hand in the fray is quite another matter. 

1 shall not describe this battle. It was almost and altogether 
an artillery fight. Once the Mexican cavalry with two pieces 
of artillery under Torrajon made a detour to our right with a 
view of turning- it, or capturing our wag-on train. This move- 
ment was defeated by the Fifth Infantry and two pieces of artil- 
lery being sent to meet it. The infantry formed in square, and 
when the Mexican cannon were being loaded to tire on the square, 
Ridgely and I came up. and so quickly did we bring our guns 
into action that we unlimbered. loaded, and tired before the Mex- 
icans could; in fact they did not tire a cannon shot, but retreated 
slowly back whence they came. Why they moved so doggedly 
slow under fire 1 could not tell: perhaps it was Mexican pride. 
Not long after this Maj. Ringgold, while sitting on his horse, 
was -truck with a cannon shot, from the effects of which he died. 
Maj. Ringgold was an accomplished officer and an elegant gen 
tleman, and his loss was a source of universal regret. Lieut. 
Ridgely succeeded to the command of the battery. The tiring 
ceased about dusk. Our loss was only ten killed and forty-four 
wounded. Arista stated that his loss was two hundred and fifty- 
three. They turned their guns on our batteries; we fired at their 
infantrv as instructed. During the uight Arista fell back to a 



Fifing at Smoke. 51 

strong- position on the banks of a dry 1 km 1 of a stream about thirty 
yards wide called Resaca de la Palma. It rims through a wood 
with a dense undergrowth of chaparral, the woods on cither side 
being perhaps a mile wide. From the prairie on which the bat- 
tle of Palo Alto had been fought the road enters the woods thai 
border the Resaca, crosses it, and leads on to Matamoras. 

Early on the morning of the 9th Taylor sent Capt. McCaU 
with about two hundred men in advance to discover the position 
of the enemy. He found them in forec at Resaca, returned, and 
so reported to the general commanding. 

There have Ween men who weate occasions and avail themselves 
of the circumstances arising therefrom; but man generally is the 
creature of circumstance, and T mention this because it has an 
application to' persons who were engaged in this day's battle. 
From ( Jen. Taylor down no one in this army had had much prac- 
tical experience in the art of war. and from practice knew but 
little of the peculiar province of each arm of the service. 

Because the artillery rendered such signal service on the field 
yesterday Gen. Taylor was impressed with the idea that it was 
available for pursuit of cavalry in mountain passes, for storm- 
ing entrenchments, or charging a line of battle. Having discov- 
ered the position of the enemy, the ( ieneral had the trains parked 
on the prairie and left in charge of a battalion of foot artillery 
and the two eighteen pounders. May's dragoons were held in 
reserve on the prairie near where the road enters the woods. 

These arrangements completed, our battery, now under the 
command of Ridgely, was ordered to advance, take the road 
through the woods and chaparral, and attack the enemy. Here 
then was the singular tactics of a battery of horse artillery all 
alone, leaving the entire army behind, moving down the road 
through the woods without any support whatever. Capt. Walk- 
er was our guide. He and I and Ridgely were in advance. We 
had gone half a mile or more when crash through the tree tops 
came a shot from the unseen batteries in front. "At a gallop, 
march,' 1 was the order, and on we went until the road turned to 
the left about forty-five degrees. At the turn we halted, and 
this gave us a battery front (in part) to their guns near the 
bank of the dry river. We could not see their guns, nor they see 
ours, owing to undergrowth, but the guns were discharged at the 
smoke that each other made. We kept advancing "by hand" 




PLAN OF BATTLE OF RESACA, MEX. 

Fought May 0, 184G. 

1. Ridgely's guns when he called for 4. United States infantry moving to 

May's dragoons to capture Mex- attack. 

Lean Battery. 5. May's dragoons previous to the 

2. Position ut' Ridgely after the charge. 

charge. 6. Reserve. 

3. Position of Mexican battery when 7. Mexican infantry. 

captured. 8. Mexican cavalry. 

!). Mexican artillery. 



Besaca. 53 

down the road. Their skirmishers now 1 >egan to annoy us. Ri< Ige- 
ly came to me and said: "Go to Gen. Taylor and ask him to 
send some infantry supports." I got on my horse and galloped 
back up the road at full speed, met Gen. Taylor, Maj. Bliss, and 
other staff officers in the road, and delivered the message. The 
reply was: " The infantry has been deployed and will soon be 
there." I returned at a run. No one was to be seen any- 
where. We had now been fighting the enemy's guns alone 
for more than a half hour, and had driven them from off the 
plain into the ravine or dry bed of the river, and had obtained 
possession of an open camping ground directly in front of their 
pieces and not over a hundred yards distant. Again Ridgely 
came and said: "Go to Gen. Taylor as quick as possible, and 
tell him to send me assistance to capture the Mexican batteries 
in front of us." The road and also the woods on both sides 
were now full of our infantry moving forward. 1 soon met Gen. 
Taylor, delivered the message, adding: "General, their guns are 
just in our front and can be taken." His only answer was: '*.)///.' 
my! (i ■-- <7, whereis May? Ica/n?tget himup!"* Nothing more 
was said, and I returned. By this time our infantry was en- 
gaged with the enemy on the right of the road. The tiring was 
very heavy. I had been back with my gun about ten minutes, 
when down the road came May. in column of fours; he halted 
and exclaimed: " Hello! Ridgely, where is that battery '. I am or- 
dered to charge it." Ridgely said: ""Hold on, Charley, till I 
draw their fire, and you will soon see where they are." Our guns 
fired, and theirs replied. Away went May toward the Mexican 
guns, and our guns after him at a run. We came up to them 
muzzle to muzzle, only theirs were below the banks of the ravine 
and ours above. May had swept the gunners away and was out 
of sight on the other side in the chaparral. I was in command 
of the twelve-pound howitzer, and as I gave the order in battery, 
"Fire to the front!" a Mexican regiment behind some earth- 
works in the ravine and on the other side, with their right di- 
rectly in front, fired a volley. Two drivers fell, the wheel 
locked the gun in turning, a horse fell, and it was with difficulty 
we could unlimber. I said to the sergeant, "Run for a canis- 

*The inference is that Gen. Taylor ordered May up on the receipt of 
Kidgely's first message. 



54 Two Wars. 

In:'" but before he got back a gunner slipped in a shell, and on 
top of that in went the canister. I could not prevent it, so great 
was the din of muskets. I fired the gun myself . The wheels were 
lifted from the ground. Two more canisters were tired before 
the regiment broke: but at that moment our infantry opened on 
them, and all was over in our immediate front. The second gun 
had horses killed, drivers and men shot, and it locked a wheel 
in the same way. Ridgely sprangfrom his horse and leaped into 
the dead driver's saddle, straightened the team, and that gun 
came into action. What the other two did 1 know not. Just as 
our firing ceased up rode Gen. Taylor with his staff, and compli- 
mented us. As he sat there on his horse May's men began to 
come back. A sergeant came up first and reported that he had 
captured (Jen. La Vega; next an infantry officer came and re- 
ported La Vega was his prisoner: and then May returned and. 
riding up to Gen. Taylor, drew from a scabbard a sword. Tak- 
ing it by the point, he presented it to the General with these 
woids: "General, I have the honor to present to you the sword 
of Gen. La Vega. lie is a prisoner." It was gracefully done. 
Taylor looked at it a moment and returned it to May. While 
we were all there in a group down the road came Duncan's bat- 
tery and crossed the ravine. Ridgely could not stand that, and 
said to me: •"French ask the General if we cannot cross over 
too." The reply was: "No. you have done enough to-day." 
Ridgely laughed, saying, " I can't receive orders from you: " and 
away he went with the guns after Duncan, leaving me to follow 
as soon as I repaired the damage to my gun. In a few minutes 
I crossed. No one halted me. I found Duncan tiring away to 
the left and front, where it was reported troops were retreat 
ing. We soon moved on. At this time I saw a man hiding be- 
hind some bushes about twenty yards from the roadside. I went 
to him, and as my knowledge of Spanish had not been cultiva- 
ted, I undertook to ask him his rank (seeing he was an officer i. 
and tried to say to him: "gTeniente o capitan? 1 ' It must have 
been badly pronounced, for he replied. "Si. senor," and, suiting 
action to the word, he put his hand in his pocket and handed me 
a biscuit. At that moment up rode Dr. Barnes and Capt. Kerr, 
and Barnes exclaimed: "Great heavens! French asked this gen 
tleinan for bread." No doubt the officer, who was an aid to Gen. 
La Vega, understood me to say: " ;Tiene listed pan ?" ( "have you 



Fort Brown. 

any bread?"). Barnes, who afterwards became surgeon genera 
of the United States army, declared to the end I asked that gen- 
tleman fur bread, and never failed to tell the story on me in 
company. 

Well, on we went for over four miles to Fort Brown. What 
a welcome we received! They had heard the sound of battle on 
the 8th, and again on the 9th, and had seen the Mexicans cross- 
ing the river in great haste and confusion. Great was the com- 
motion in Matamoras that night. Now when darkness came, 
Ridgely •remeniliered that he had come on without orders — in. 
fact, pretty nearly against orders- and he told me to ride back 
and see Gen. Taylor and ask for orders. So I rode back over 
the road alone. Gen. Taylor was glad to hear from the garri- 
son; said Ridgely could remain on the Rio Grande until further 
orders. J. Bankhead Magruder* was at headquarters, and de- 

*Gen. John Bankhead Magruder was known in earlier days as -'Prince 
John." When stationed on the Canadian frontier the British officers and 
ours were <>n good social terms. -John was indeed a princely fellow, and 
(lie officers ai his mess dined always in a rich, gay dinner jacket. His serv- 
ant was Irish and a jewel, and knew well "Prince John's" foibles. One 
■ lay at dinner, to which some English officers were guests, there was a con- 
siderable display of taste, and one of them had the temerity to ask hishost 
what \\ as the pay of a lien tenant of artillery, and obtained for an answer: 
••Well, hless yon. my dear fellow. I do not remember; my servant always 
gets it. What is it. Patrick.''" And Pat. well knowing the ways of Ma- 
gruder. replied: " Your honor must perceive the captain is a gintleman, 
and too ginerous to ask me for it." 

When the city <>f Mexico was captured by Gen. Scott "Prince John" 
obtained quarters in the bishop's palace. Sending for the butler, heasked 
him: "At what hour does the bishop dine?" Answer: "FourP.M." -How 
many courses does he have?" Answer: "Four." "How many bottles 
of wine does he order? " Answer: "Two." To impress the butler that he 
was an officer of high dignity, he gave orders that he would dine at 8 P.M. 
and require eight courses and four bottles of wine, doubling the courses. 

etc. 

And here is another story I will relate as 1 heard it: 

After the battles around Richmond had been fought (Jen. J. P. Magru- 
der was sent to command the Department of Texas. As I have formerly 
related, he was a bon vivant and rejoiced in the pleasures of t he table, and 
dined with much ceremony. To keep this up, as far as he could, he would 
send, like the popes of Pome, a courier in advance to arrange forhiscom- 
fort. On one occasion a staff officer was sent ahead as usual. Coming to 
a good residence, he arranged for comfortable quarters and a sumptuous 
supper. When the G'eneral arrived and the usual preliminaries were over 



56 Two Wars. 

clared it was very imprudent for me to return by myself, and 
insisted that he should send me under the protection of an es- 
cort. I accept ed two men, but as they were not mounted, the 
progress was too slow. I dismissed them and galloped back 
safely. Duncan, who was an ambitious man, was much disap- 
pointed that he never got sight of the enemy on the 9th; but it 
is true, history to the contrary notwithstanding. 

You now have the true history of the circumstances that led 
May to be sent to charge that battery; it originated in the brain 
of Kidgely. Duncan, who was not in the action, was made a 
brevet major for Palo Alto, and lieutenant colonel for Resaca. 
Ridgely, who was distinguished for his gal laid conduct in both 
battles, was rewarded only with a brevet captaincy, which he 
declined, for the two battles. Capt. May was, if I remember 
aright, rewarded with two brevets without any distinguished 
service, or special service at all in the iirst battle. There is 
nothing like blowing a horn and having friends at court, I 
mention this without any reflection on those two good soldiers, 
and reference is thus made to point out that true service and just 
merit does not always meet with its proper rew T ard. Such is the 
way of the world. 

The conduct of our troops in this Wattle was courageous in the 
extreme. Banners were captured by gallant old officers from the 
hands of the enemy and held aloft in the front during the con- 
flict that was in some instances hand to hand. And yet the loss 
would not indicate such resistance, for our killed were only thir- 
ty-nine, and the wounded about eighty.* It certainly shows less 

he was ushered into the dining hall, and there sat at the table a ragged 
•• Keb " helping himself to the supper all alone. Magruder, however, took 
liis scat at the table, and, eying the "Reb" demolishing the viands, he ex- 
claimed: "Doyou, sir. know with whom you are eating supper?" "Reb" 
replied: '•No. I don't know, and I don't care a d -ran: before I went into 
the army I was very particular as to whom 1 ate with, but it makes no 
difference noAv: just he]]) yourself, do. 

* Riding over the battlefield the day after the light we came to the 
camp where the surgeons were attending to the wounded. A German 
prisoner was there standing up, holding on to the limb of a tree resting 
himself, he had been shot crosswise in the rear, the ball tearing away 
the seat of his breeches, that were very bloody. One of our Irish soldiers 
was passing by with canteens filled with water, and the German asked 
for a drink. Pat surveyed him. and replied: "Never a drop of wather 



Crossing the Riveb. 57 

stubborn resistance on the part of the Mexicans than was found 
in the civil war. Col. Mcintosh was pinned to the earth with 
bayonets, one entering his mouth and passing through his neck; 
he was rescued, and lived only to give his life for his country at 
Molino del Rev. The day following was spent in burying the 
dead and caring for the wounded, and in an exchange of prison 
ers. Our battery, with some infantry, constituted an escort for 
the prisoners to Point Isabel. On the way there I rode over the 
field of Palo Alto. I saw a number of the dead that had not 
been buried. The flesh of the Americans was decayed and gone, 
or eaten by wolves and vultures; that of the Mexicans was dried 
and uncorrupted, which I attribute to the nature of their food. 
it being antiseptic. I observed this also at Monterey. 

Again I was where I could see the wild waves of ocean play 
and come tumbling on the shore; but like most pleasures it was 
short, for we were soon on the march back to Fort Brown. 

If we remember that Taylor had been gi ven t w enty-four hours, 
out of distinguished consideration for his character, to get away 
from before Matamoras, or take the consequences, and was so 
impolite in not obeying; and if we consider that when w T e did 
leave it was regarded as a flight; and if Ave call to mind the re- 
joicings of the people that w r e had tied, we can in a measure real- 
ize the sudden change from high hopes to despondency, from 
expected joy to overwhelming sorrow when they saw their sol- 
diers returning, not with captured flags and the spoils of w T ar, 
not with waving banners and triumphant shouts of victory, but 
fleeing when no one pursued, and madly plunging into the river 
to gain the shore which they lately left with expectations not 
realized. 

On the 10th we stood on our bank of the river, the other shore 
so near and yet so far! An army with no pontoon train! no 
bridge whereon to cross a deep, narrow river! Where was the 
great organizer that makes war successful? For one week the 
troops remained in front of the city unable to cross for the want 
of adequate means. 

On the 18th, when the advanced squadron of dragoons was 
swimming across the river, Lieut. George Stevens was drowned. 

will ye get from me, ye bloody hathen. If ye had stayed in your own 
counthry, where you belong, ye would now be well and have a sound seat 
to sit down on." 



o8 Two Wars. 

Balance such a man's life with the cost of a pontoon bridge! 
Two of my classmates, brave men, were now released from war. 
T. L. Chadbourn was killed at Resaca, and now Stevens drowned! 
both men dear to me. I saw poor Stevens 

••Beat the surges under him, and ride upon their back," 

then sink and rise no more. 

We crossed the river unmolested, and took possession of the 
town. Gen. Twiggs was appointed governor of the place, and 
under his police system perfect order was maintained. Many 
pleasant families remained and to some of us a cordial welcome 
was given at all times. 

My time was passed pleasantly in the city during the months 
of June, duly, and pari of August. Our battery was in camp 
near the headquarters of Gen. Twiggs. A path leading to the 
city passed close in front of his office tent, and many persons 
went to and fro. 

One day I was sitting with the General. It was a beautiful 
afternoon. We were under the shade of some trees, and soldiers 
and strangers passing by so near would salute or otherwise rec- 
ognize the General. However, at this time a Mexican came 
along with a tall sombrero on his head and passed without no- 
ticing" the General. He was hailed by the General, came hack, 
and was asked: "What is your nanie?" He took off his som- 
brero politely, and answered: "Jesus Maria." Twiggs raised 
both hands above his head and exclaimed: "Go away! i>'o away 
from me! go away!" and the surprised Mexican passed on. I 
inferred from the great excitement the General exhibited at the 
name of the Mexican that his ancestors may have worshiped in 
the Temple of Jerusalem, or fought with the Maccabees in de- 
fense of their religion. 

Whilst the forces under Taylor were resting in camp at Mat- 
amoras. the quartermaster's department was busy in procuring 
Light-drafi boats to navigate the Rio Grande, it having been de- 
termined to establish a depot of supplies at Camargo, a town on 
the river nearly a hundred miles above Matamoras. preparatory 
to an advance on Monterey. 

Under the act calling for volunteers there were appointed to 
command them two major generals, W. O. Butler, of Kentucky, 
and Robert Patterson, of Pennsylvania; and G. J. Pillow, of Ten- 



Loading a Mule Train. 59 

nessee, T. L. Harrier, of Ohio. John A. Quitman, of Mississippi, 
Thomas Marshall, of Kentucky. Joseph Lane, of Indiana, James 
Shields, of Illinois, were commissioned brigadier generals, and 
men to the number of near six thousand were, as volunteers, 
added to Taylor's force, increasing it to nine thousand. 

This force was organized into three divisions: the tirst under 
(Jen. Twiggs, the second under Gen. Worth, and the third un- 
der Gen. W. O. Butler, who was with Gen. .Jackson at New Or- 
leans when he defeated the English under Pakenham. Nearly 
fifty years after, another Butler. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, fig- 
ured at New Orleans, and I would not that yon mistake them. 
for they were one to the other as "Hyperion to a satyr." 

In June I was promoted to the high rank of second lieutenant 
of the Third Artillery, and sometime during the summer was as- 
signed to Bragg's company of artillery, whose lieutenants were 
George II. Thomas, John F. Reynolds, and myself . They were 
all agreeable officers, but even to this Any I recall, like a wom- 
an, my tirst loves, Ringgold, Ridgely, and Shover. 

Early in August the first division stalled for Camargo. It 
was an uninteresting march, hot and dusty beyond conception. 
By the middle of Augusl the forces stalled for Monterey. We 
now left the alluvial lands of the Rio Grande, and the country 
was tree from dust. From Seralvo we obtained the first view 
of the lofty peaks of the Sierra Madre range of mountains, sev- 
enty odd miles distant, ami they created much discussion as to 
whether they were mountains or clouds. From Seralvo to Mon- 
terey the country was beautiful, rich, and fertile. We passed 
groves of ebony, Brazil wood, oak, pecan, mesquite, etc. The 
fields of corn were in silk, melons and vegetables of every va- 
riety were ripe; and later on in the season we had oranges, lem- 
ons, limes, pomegranates, bananas, and grapes. 

One morning w hen we were between Seralvo and Marin I re- 
ceived an order to remain and assist Lieut. D. B. Sacket in hav- 
ing the mule train loaded. I thought it strange that an artillery 
officer should be put on that duty, and felt indignant; but 1 was 
repaid in a measure by what took place, for I sometimes enjoy 
a little '•fun.'" After the muleteers had packed the old trained 
mules and started them one after another on their way, there re- 
mained a number of wild mules to have their packs put on, I be- 
lieve for the first time. One was lassoed and thrown and the 



60 Two Wars. 

pack saddle put on. Then, for his load, two barrels of crackers 
were securely put on. All being' ready, the blind was removed 
from his eyes. He looked slowly around, showed the white of 
his eyes, took one step, humped himself, and kicked so high that 
the load overbalanced him and he fell on his back unable to rise, 
and brayed aloud. Soon a blind was removed from another; he 
surveyed the load from right to left with rolling eyes, squatted 
low, humped himself, sprang forward, stood on his forefeet and 
commenced high kicking, exploded the barrels of "hardtack" 
with his heels, threw the biscuit in the air with the force of a 
dynamite bomb, and ran away with the empty barrels dangling 
behind, as badly scared as a dog with tin buckets tied to his tail. 
A third, when his blind- was removed, stepped lightly to the 
front, but casting his eyes on either side, made a loud bray, 
dosed down his tail, and disappeared through the chaparral as 
quick as a jack rabbit, followed with loud Mexican denunciations 
that I cannot translate. In this manner four or five cargoes were 
lost, and the pack train moved on. I was sorry for the poor 
Mexicans, but I could not but laugh at the mules. My duty 
ended when the train started; so leaving it in the charge of 
Lieut. Sacket with his dragoons, I rode on alone and did not 
overtake my company until it had encamped. 

We arrived at Monterey on the 19th. The dragoons and the 
two batteries of field artillery encamped with Gen. Taylor at his 
headquarters at Walnut Springs, three miles from the city. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Monterey— Population— Gen. Ampudia— Gen, Worth— Capture a Fort- 
Battery in a Hot Place— Bragg's .Order Countermanded— Two Long- 
Haired Texans— Capture the Bishop's Palace— Our Battery Ordered to 
the East End of the City— Gens. Taylor and Quitman— Street Fighting- 
Gen. Ampudia Surrenders— Gen. Worth. Gov. Henderson, and Col. 
Jefferson Davis Commissioners— Enter the City— Dine with a Mexican 
Gentleman— Death of Ridgely— Hot Springs— Santa Anna President- 
Victoria Surrenders -Gen. Scott— Vera Cruz— Return to Monterey- 
Death of Lieut. Richey— Investigation of Richey's Death— Monterej 
— Saltillo— Agna Nueva — Geri. Wool— Santa Anna Advances— Majs. 
Borland and Gaines Captured— Taylor Falls Back to Buena Vista— Mex- 
ican Army— Am Wounded— The Hacienda— Cavalry Fight with Mexi- 
can Lancers— Flag of Truce— Victory— Carried to Saltillo. 

MONTEREY, an old city, the capital of the State of Nuevo 
Leon, contained about forty thousand inhabitants. It is 
situated on the left bank of the San Juan, a small stream that 
empties into a larger one of the same name. 

It had three forts. The main one, called the Black Fort, was 
out on the plain north of the city. Fort Tanaria was in the sub- 
urbs, in the northeast part of the city; and about two hun- 
dred yards distant south of it was a third fort, the guns of which 
commanded the interior of the Tanaria. The hill on the slope 
of which was the bishop's palace was also fortified; and strong- 
earthworks surrounded the city on the north and cast sides, 
with isolated works to the south and west. 

Gen. Ampudia was in command, with a force of seven thou- 
sand regular troops, and a large volunteer force. A reconnois- 
sance of the place by the engineer officers, having been com- 
pleted, dispositions to capture the city were made by detaching 
Gen. Worth, with his division, and Col. Hays, with his Texas 
regiment, to gain the road to Saltillo, by storming its defenses, 
and thereby cutting off the supplies of the enemy and holding 
his line of retreat, To accomplish this part of Gen. Taylor's 
plan, Worth started late on the 20th, and on the 21st made the 
attack, and was successful in carrying the detached works and 
securing the road to Saltillo. By way of advertisement, or at 
most a diversion in favor of Worth, Gen. Taylor moved Gar- 
land's division of regulars and a division of volunteers, some 



62 Two Wars. 

cavalry, and our battery, down to the northeast part of the city. 
As is often the case, this demonstration terminated in a fight, 
and the capture of the fort or redoubt called Tanaria and build- 
ings adjacent. Our battery penetrated by a street some dis- 
tance into the city. The houses were mainly built of soft stone 
or adobe, and the shot from the batteries in the town passed 
through the buildings, covering the men. horses, and guns with 
lime and dust, blindingus so that wecould see nothing. From 
this situation we were ordered out. In passing an opening in 
the works a shot killed the two wheel horses to one of the cais- 
sons, and Lieut. Reynolds and 1 with the men threw, or pushed, 
the horses and harness into the ditches on either side, and after 
we had done this and gone some distance, another shot passed 
through two horses of one of the guns. These horses were 
loosed, and with their entrails dragging, in agony of pain, I 
suppose, commenced eating the grass. 

Having gotten out, Bragg ordered me back alone to the ditch 
in the edge of the town to save the harness thai was on the horses. 
I met Gen. Taylor, who inquired where I was going. When 
told, he said. ww That is nonsense." and ordered me to go to camp, 
where the battery had been sent. My ride back was rather ex- 
citing - . For the distance of a half mile or more 1 was on the 
plain in open sight of the Black Fort, or the citadel. The gun- 
ners must have become quite vindictive, for they opened tire on 
me. a lone horseman. I had to watch the smoke of each gun, 
check my horse, and as the shot would cross ahead push on. 
stopping to allow each shot to pass in front. I think the smoke 
prevented the gunners from discovering that I halted at every 
discharge of a gun. At any rate, every shot passed in front of 
me. 1 never forgave Braggfor that picayune order, and it was 
supplemented on the 23d by another equally as wild. As we 
were withdrawing from the city, we had to go up a straight 
road leading from a four-gun battery. A shot struck a driver 
on the elbow, carrying away his forearm, lie fell dead f rom 
his horse, singular but true, and Bragg directed me to dismount 
and take oh" the man's sword. I did so: and took from his pock- 
et a knife, for I thought I might be sent back if I did not save 
that too. I presented the sword to Bragg, and desired him to 
take charge of the knife, but he declined, as it was not public 
property. I write down these little things, for they give in- 




PLAN OF MONTEREY. MEX. 



1. Black Fort. 

2. Fort Tanaria. 

3. Redoubt. 

4. Main Plaza. 



5. French's gun. 

6. Thomas's gun. 

7. Bragg' s battery 



-lirst day. 



8. United States troops advancing 
on Fort Tanaria. 



64 Two Wars. 

stances of the observance of details, characteristic of this offi- 
cer, not obtained from history. 

The day following', the 22d, our battery was ordered to oc- 
cupy, in reserve, a depression in a plain north of the citadel. 
But they knew we were there, and searched for us with shot. 
As I have observed already, the garrison of the citadel was vin- 
dictive, and tired at any one in sight and range. Sure enough, 
soon two long-haired Texans, on ponies, rode down and halted 
near each other, on the plain, and we watched events. Bang! 
went one of the heavy guns in the citadel; the ball passed over 
us and went between the two Texans. One wheeled his horse 
back for camp, and the other galloped down to our guns and re- 
marked: " Them darned fool Mexicans shoot mighty wild: they 
came near hitting me." He thought the shot was directed at us, 
and not at him. 

But, to return to more important proceedings. Behold, now 
a glorious sight! 

To the northwest of Monterey, and in the suburbs of the city. 
there is a very high hill called Independencia, that swells ab- 
ruptly from the plain, except on the southern slope, which 
is more gentle. On this slope, about halfway up, there is a 
massy palace, known as the bishop's palace. It was fortified 
and garrisoned, and the summit was crowned with a fort. The 
capture of this hill was necessary because it commanded the 
Saltillo road and prevented Gen. Worth from entering the city. 
As I have observed, our battery was put in reserve, and we were 
in open sight of the hill Independencia. 

Early in the morning when the fog rose, the battery on Inde- 
pendencia hill opened, and a solitary gun responded from a dis- 
tant one, which our troops had captured the day previous. And 
now the base of Independencia hill was encircled in smoke, and 
almost simultaneously a wreath of smoke above it burst into 
view. The attack on the hill with infantry had begun. Our 
men could be seen climbing up from rock to rock, and the smoke 
from every musket indicated whether it was tired up or tired 
(hnn, the hill. Gradually the circles of smoke moved higher 
and nearer, as our men ascended, and when, near the top, they 
commingled into one the excitement was intense. Troops on 
both sides looked on in silence, with hearts throbbing, now with 
hope, and now stilled with fear, as the line of battle advanced or 



The Bishop's Palace. 65 

receded. But soon it was seen that higher up the hill the com- 
batants struggled, until with one wild shout and rush the lines 
closed, and the top smoked like a volcano. And then through 
the rifts of smoke we saw our men leaping over the parapets, 
and the Mexicans retreating down the slope. We clap our 
hands with joy, and wave our caps! Now. the scene changes. 
Prom out the bishop's palace swarms of men issue and rush up 
the hill to retake the fallen fort. They are met halfway. Our 
hearts are hushed as we look on. The enemy recede, break and 
run for the palace, where foe and friends commingled, enter to- 
gether, and all is still. A heavy gun Hashes, and a shell bursts 
over the city from a captured cannon. The nag descends, the 
stars and stripes go up and wave over the bishop's palace, and 
the battle is won; and then arose a shout of joy so loud, so long, 
it seemed to echo from the sky. 

There was not much progress made on the 22d, in the east- 
ern part of the city, except to gain a firm footing on the edge 
of it, by troops under Gen. Quitman. On the morning of the 
23d our battery was ordered to the eastern end, and remained 
inactive while the infantry steadily advanced from house to 
house. The dwelling houses all had Hat roofs, surrounded by 
walls about three feet high forming so many small fortresses. 
The house tops were filled with the enemy, and they command- 
ed the streets; besides, the streets Leading to the main plaza had 
been barricaded, and they crossed others at right angles. Gen. 
Quitman, about noon, ordered Bragg to send a piece of artillery 
to drive the enemy from a main street running the whole length 
of the city. To my surprise, instead of sending Lieut. George 
H. Thomas, a second in command, he ordered me with the twelve- 
pound howitzer to report to Gen. Quitman, who instructed me 
to clear the street. 

I could see no troops in this street, except those on the house 
tops two or three squares in advance: so I moved on down un- 
til the musket balls began to clip and rattle along the stone pave- 
ment rather lively. To avoid this fire, I turned my gun to the 
left, into a street leading into the plaza. To my astonishment, 
one block distant was a stone barricade behind which were 
troops, and the houses on either side covered with armed men. 
They were evidently surprised, and did not lire at us. We were 
permitted to unlimber the gun, and move the horses back into 



66 Two Wars. 

the main street. I politely waved my hand at the men at the 
barricade, which should read I shook my fist at them, and 
gave the command to load. Instantly the muskets were leveled 
over the barricade and pointed down from the house tops, and 
a volley tired at us that rattled like hail on the stones. My pony 
received a ricochet musket ball that struck the shoulder blade, 
ran up over the withers, and was stopped by the girth on the 
other side. I dismounted, and turned hack to the gun. The two 
men at the muzzle were shot. One poor fellow put his hands 
to his side and quietly said. " Lieutenant. I am shot." and tried 
to stoptherlowof blood. Iliad the gun run back into the street 
by which we entered the city. I now resorted to a device once 
practiced by a mob in the city of Philadelphia; two long ropes 
were made fast to the end of the trail, one rope was held by 
men on the lower side of the barricaded street, and the other 
by the men above. The gun Avas now loaded, and leveled in 
safety, then pushed out. and pulled by the ropes until it pointed 
at the barricade, and then tired. The recoil sent the 2:1111 back, 
and the rope brought it around the corner to be reloaded. In 
this manner the gun was worked for two hours, and with all this 
protection, four out of the rive gunners were killed or wounded. 
We had not been at this cross streel very long before Texans. 
Mississippians, and regulars began to arrive and cross under 
cover of the smoke of the gun to the other side, and gain pos- 
session of the house tops. Next (Jen. Taylor and staff came 
down the street on foot, and very imprudently he passed the 
cross street, escaping the many shots fired at him. There he 
was, almost alone. He tried to enter the store on the corner. 
The door being locked, he and the Mexican within had a confab, 
but. not understanding what was said, he called to Col. Kinney. 

the interpreter: "Come over here." The Colonel said . and 

went over at double-quick, and made the owner open the door. 
The store was empty. Here Gen. Quitman joined him with some 
troops and a gun in charge of Lieut. Gr. II. Thomas. Quitman 
directed me to take my howitzer down to the next cross street, 
but tosave my men and horses. I suggested that Thomas should 
put his gun in position first, and let us pass over through the 
smoke. Comprehending the matter at once, he said: " No. you 
remain here, and let Thomas pass over when you fire." Thomas 
moved to the next street, and turned his gun into it. His street 



Capitulation. 67 

was barricaded also, and defended by a piece of artillery. 
The infantry and riflemen now made good progress in gain- 
ing possession of the houses, and driving the enemy toward 
the plaza. 

The command of Gen. Worth was all day working toward the 
plaza from another direction, by breaking through the walls 
from house to house, so that when aighl came, the Mexican 
troops were pent up in the main plaza. Before dusk, the Mex- 
icans being driven hack, our two pieces of artillery were with- 
drawn and ordered to camp at Walnut Springs. 

I have gone into these details to-show the simplicity of char- 
acter and coolness of Gen. Taylor which endeared him to his 
soldiers. No one discussed depots of supplies, base of commu- 
nications, lines of retreat, or strategic positions; hut every one 
knew that the brave old soldier would fight theenemy, wherever 
he found them, to the end. During thenight some pieces of ar- 
tillery, and a large mortal 1 were put in position and opened tire 
on the heart of the city, now so very crowded with people. 

Early on the 24th Gen. Ampudia sent ;i communication to 
Gen. Taylor, asking permission to leave the city, with his troops 
and arms unmolested. Of course this was refused, and finally 
resulted in the appointment of Gen. Worth. Gen. Henderson. 
and Col. Jefferson Davis commissioners to meet Gens. Requena 
and Ortega, and M. M. Llano, commissioners on the part of the 
Mexican army, who arranged the terms of the capitulation. 
I went to see the poor fellows depart. As they marched by, the 
soldiers each carried his musket in one hand, and a long stalk 
of sugar cane in the other, off of which they were regalingthem- 
selves. 

They were permitted to retain their arms. In connection 
with the capitulation, an armistice for two months was agreed 
to, subject to ratification by the respective governments; andnow 
came rest. Our loss was nearly live hundred, and among the 
killed was another classmate, Lieut. Robert Hazlitt. I should 
have mentioned that when the expedition for the capture of 
Monterey started Gen. Robert Patterson was left in command 
of the district of the Rio Grande. 

After the departure of the Mexican troops, a friendly inter- 
course was established between our officers and the most respect- 
able families in the city, noted on their part for gracefulness of 



68 Two Wars. 

movement, gravity of manners, extreme politeness, and genu- 
ine hospitality. 

On one occasion, after dinner, a handsome Mexican saddle 
elicited the attention of the guests, and to my surprise the next 
day a servant came to my tent with a note, and the saddle. 
"begging me to accept it with consideration." etc. A few days 
afterwards I returned the saddle, with a small present, upon the 
grounds that it was too handsome for daily exposure in serv- 
ice, etc. 

Lieut. Randolph Ridgely brought with him a tine old setter 
dog. and, as partridges were abundant, I found exercise and 
amusement in hunting. Lieut. J. F. Reynolds was generally 
with me, and we would return with all the game we could carry, 
as the birds were tame and numerous. We also enjoyed the 
waters of the hot springs near by, now quite a resort for inva- 
lids. 

On the L ; 7th of October, Capt. R. Ridgely was killed by his 
horse slipping and falling in the main street of the city, where 
the smooth natural rock was the pavement. He was. in my es- 
timation, "the fearless and irreproachable knight," the Bayard 
of the army. What a hall is to a young lady, a right was to 
him; it made his step light and his eye radiant with delight, 
while joyous smiles beamed from his face. It seemed the very 
irony of fate that he. who had raced his steed on the sea wall of 
( harleston, and leaped over into the ocean unharmed, should 
meet an untimely end from a horse falling in an open street. 
His father lived on Elk Ridge, near Baltimore, a gentleman of 
the olden school, of an age of the courtly past, and as John 
Randolph, of Roanoke, was a frequent visitor there. Randolph 
Ridgely was named for him. 

Thedeath of Capt. Ridgely promoted Bragg to his company, 
and Capt. T. W. Sherman to Bragg's company. Thus Bragg 
now became the commander of the late Map Ringgold's battery 
of artillery. 

It would appear as if some State governor, or some idle gen- 
eral would issue a "Pronunciamento " every new moon in Mex- 
ico, in hopes of becoming President of that republic; and thus 
it was that half the people of Mexico could not tell who was 
President. AndnowParedes was deposed, and Santa Anna, who 
was permitted to enter Mexico by the United States authorities 



Christmas Day. 69 

as a man of peace,* reigned in his place. About the middle of 
September he arrived in the city of Mexico, and hastened soon 
after to San Luis Potosi to assume the command of the army 
thrice defeated by Gen. Taylor. 

To carry out the wishes of the War Department, to have Tam- 
ico captured, Gen. Taylor started for Victoria, a small town. 
the capital of the State of Tamaulipas, on or about the middle 
of December, with the troops commanded by (Jens. Twiggs 
and Quitman, leaving Gen. Worth in Saltillo with his division. 

On reaching Montemorelos he received information from 
Gen. Worth that Santa Anna was marching on Saltillo, and 
turned hack with all the troops except those under Gen. Quit- 
man and our battery. Gen. Quitman was to continue on to Vic- 
toria. The march was uninterrupted down this beautiful and 
fertile valley. On our right towered the lofty range of the 
Sierra Madre Mountains in one unbroken chain and sharp ser- 
rated lh\^{\ that looked thin enough for a man to sit astride of. 
In fact, at Santa ( atarina, there is a \ ast hole through this ridge 
near a thousand feet below the crest, through which clouds, as if 
in another world, could he seen moving by day, and stars by 
night. 

The town of Linares is in a rich, wide, and beautiful valley 
or plain divided into large sugar estates cultivated by peon 
labor. The orange trees were very large, and all the citrus 
fruits abundant. As we journeyed on, one day Christmas came, 
and as usual it came on time, and. although we were in the land 
of the saints, we had not faith enough to believe that Santa 
Claus would make us a visit. So I went into the mountains in 
quest of a wild turkey for dinner, and failed to kill one. What 
were we to do? Reynolds or our servants had succeeded in pro- 
curing some eggs. With them visions of pudding and "egg- 
nog"'' arose. We could get "pulque,"' get "aguardiente," from 
the maguey plant, but it was villianous lire water. In this di- 
lemma I sent my servant in quest of our doctor — Dr. C. C. 
Keeney, I think it was — to tell him to call immediately. The 
eggs were all beaten up ready. The doctor arrived. We made 
him a prisoner, and told him that he could not be released until 

* It was understood that Santa Anna was to end the war by making a 
treaty of peace, but he deceived President Polk. 



70 Two Wars. 

he wrote a note to bis steward to send him a bottle of brandy and 
a bottle of rum. He did it on the ground that we all were in want 
of a stimulant, and on this occasion the doctor took his own 
prescription. When Plymouth Rock smiles, wonder not that 
we. far away from home, tried to make the service suit the day. 
and the day to be one of rejoicing that immortality was brought 
to light. 

We encamped one night at a hacienda not far from Victoria. 
The owner was very civil and kind: invited us to his drawing- 
room, walked with us in his large orange grove laden with 
golden fruit, which was protected by a high stone wall. He 
possessed a vast sugar estate, and said that lie had over five hun- 
dred peon laborers on it. As far as we could see there was only 
sugar cane. 

On the 29th of December we marched into the great square, 
or plaza, of Victoria without meeting with any resistance. The 
troops were drawn up in line, the officers to the front and fa- 
cing the alcazar. 

The alcalde left his office, crossed the plaza, and after a short 
address presented the keys of the city to Gen. Quitman. The 
Mexican standard was hauled down, and as the United States 
flag was thrown to the breeze the hand began to play, when all 
at once, in emulation, three or four jackasses began to bray, and 
bray, and drowned all proceedings, amidst roars of laughter 
that could not he restrained, especially among the volunteers. 

We had been in camp but a few days when Gen. Taylor ar- 
rived with Gen. Twigg's division, and almost at the same hour 
Gen. Patterson came in from Matamoras with a large force. 

Before I tell you any more I must inform yon of certain pro- 
ceedings and events that happened or took place in the past. 
( )ne was that the President had ordered the commander in chief. 
Gen. Winfield Scott, to take the held as he desired, and to pro- 
ceed to Vera Cruz, and advance on the City of Mexico from 
that place. Of course all the troops in Mexico were subject to 
his orders. Accordingly, when Gen,. Scott came to the mouth of 
the Rio Grande, he made known to Gen. Taylor the particular 
troops that he wished him to order to Vera Cruz by duplicate 
dispatches. The letter sent to Monterey reached there after 
Gen. Taylor had started for Victoria. It was reported, and I 
presume it is true, that the letter was opened and read by Gen. 



Death of Lieut. Richey. 71 

Marshall. If so, then he knew its importance. He committed 
two grave errors: First, he should have known that it was all 
important that the dispatches should be so sent as not to fall 
into the hands of the enemy; and secondly, he should not have 
required an officer to go to almost certain death when it was not 
necessary. What did he do! 1 He placed these dispatches in the 
hands of Lieut. John A. Richey, and sent or permitted him to 
cany the dispatches alone through the enemy's country one 
hundred and fifty miles to Gen. Taylor at Victoria. The conse- 
quence was that as Lieut. Richey was leaving the town of Villa 
(J ran he was "lassoed" by a Mexican, pulled from his horse, 
murdered, and the dispatches forwarded in all haste to Santa 
Anna, who learned how (Jen. Taylor would be stripped of all 
the United States troops and most of his volunteer force, how 
Gen. Scott was on his way to Vera Cruz to capture that city, 
and then to march on his capital. 

Santa Anna's decision was prompt and decided. It was what 
a great commander would have done. He decided to attack Gen. 
Taylor without delay, defeat him. if possible, recover all the 
territory lost, even to the Nueces river; then fly to the defense 
of his capital in time to meet (Jen. Scott before he passed the 
strong defenses of Cerro Gordo. 

He did not succeed in defeating ( Jen. Taylor, but he met Scott 
as he had planned to do. This was told by Col. Iturbide. a son 
of the last emperor of Mexico, whom I met after the war. 

When Gen. Taylor received the duplicate of the orders from 
Gen. Scott at Victoria, and learned how he was to be stripped 
of nearly all the gallant men who had won for him the three bat- 
tles, he gave the necessary orders for the departure of the troops 
called for. and this embraced the divisions of Gens. Worth and 
Twiggs, and most of Gen. Patterson's forces. In short, all the 
regular troops were sent to Vera Cruz, except four field bat- 
teries of artillery and two squadrons of dragoons, in all about 
six hundred men. I will not write here my opinion, as formed 
from observation or otherwise, of (Jen. Taylor's equanimity of 
mind on that occasion. However, it was reported that by mis- 
take he once put mustard in his coffee instead of sugar. Won- 
der not at his perplexity. He had enough to irritate him. He 
had some apprehension, no doubt, that the enemy might make 
an advance from San Luis Potosi on his now small force: but 



72 Two Wars. 

what wounded his pride, was — Apollyon behind him- the party 
opposed to the annexation of any territory south had expressed 
a wish that our troops might be welcomed by the Mexicans with 
"bloody hands and hospitable graves;" and the administration, 
alarmed at his growing popularity with the Whig party, hoping 
to divide or parallel his fame with another, sent Gen. Scott with 
such an inadequate force that h< was obliged to deprive Gen. 
Taylor of such troops as I have stated. So Gen. Taylor had 
Santa Anna in front, the jealous administration and the anti- 
annexation party in Congress to fight behind him. The sequel 
will disclose his intrepid character, and his triumph in the end 
over all. 

In the latter part of January Gen. Taylor took his departure 
from Victoria for Monterey. His escort consisted of Col. Jef- 
ferson Davis's regiment of Mississippi Rifles, two squadrons of 
dragoons, and our battery. My heart was not so light nor my 
feelings so buoyant as when we went journeying southward. I 
have mentioned how Lieut. Richey was murdered at Villa Gran 
and his dispatches taken. When Gen. Taylor reached that town 
he directed our battery and the dragoons to be halted in the 
plaza, and, sending for the alcalde, held a court to investigate 
the murder of Richey. The murderer was demanded. The al- 
calde said that he did not know who was the guilty man, and 
could not produce him. The general did not credit his story; 
said he would hang him if he did not give information as to who 
was the criminal. The alcalde was very much frightened, and 
turned pale and trembled. The examination of such persons as 
were called was fruitless, and ended in Gen. Taylor notifying 
the alcalde that he would levy a contribution on the town of ( I be- 
Lieve) some $50,000 as indemnity, which would have to he paid 
in three weeks unless the murderer was caught and delivered to 
him. in all this the priests assisted the alcalde, and endeavored 
to pacify the ( reneral. 

When the court left the hall the General discovered that his 
baggage wagons had been halted, and that vexed him, and to 
further irritate him, a piece of artillery blocked the road by not 
being able to get up a steep hill. The General pulled the driv- 
er's ear, got the piece up, and ordered it to remain outside the 
road until everything had passed. When he rode away, I or- 
dered the gun into the road, and it was driven on. I never 



Agua Nveva Held. 73 

learned whether the murderer of Richey was apprehended or 
not. 

When we arrived at Monterey we went into our old camp at 
Walnut Springs. We had some idle time to ride out in the 
country. The scenery around Monterey is very beautiful. There 
are near the city two isolated mountains Saddle Mountain and 
Mitra Mountain — behind which the chain of the Sierra Madre 
rises in towering grandeur from the plain to the height of near 
five thousand feet, stretching beyond vision as one vast w T all of 
rock, with a serrated edge seemingly as sharp as a saw, and in- 
accessible to man. Nearly every morning a canopy of clouds 
would form around the breast of Saddle Mountain, extending 
overhead to the distance of five or six miles. Gradually, as the 
day advanced, the clouds from the outer ^\^ would sail gently 
away one after the other, disrobing the mountain and exposing 
the beauty of its form to view. 

Once I was on the mountain above the clouds, in the bright 
sunshine looking down upon this billowy sea. Beyond was the 
lofty ridge glowing in the sun; around, hiding the plain for 
miles distant, was an ocean of clouds white as snow, softer than 
carded wool, lighter than down, rolling and swelling as silent as 
the heavens above them. Then they floated slowly away, melt- 
ing into air, and left me to look down on the gross earth to which 
I must return. 

When Gen. Worth believed that Santa Anna was on the march 
to Saltillo, Gen. Wool left Parras and hastened to Agua Xueva, 
and held that place, which is seventeen or more miles in advance 
of Saltillo. 

Sometime in the early part of February our company left 
Monterey, and we began our march to Saltillo. Moving west, 
we passed the bishop's palace. Thence the road runs along the 
base of the Cerro de la Mitra Mountains for miles, with the 
Sierra Madre on the left; and, although this immense ridge was 
about eight miles distant, it was so abruptly high and the at- 
mosphere so clear that it appeared not more distant than one 
could cast a stone. 

Marching on, we passed some mills; then through a valley in 
the mountains, highly cultivated, trees bordering the road, and 
then down an incline to the hacienda of Rinconada, closed in by 
mountains. The road then ascends bv a high grade to Los Mu- 



74 Two Wars. 

ertos, thence <>n to Saltillo. The ascent to Los Muertos re- 
minded me of Thiers's description of the road rising up the In- 
canale to the plateau of Rivoli. in his account of that battle in 
Napoleon's Italian campaigns. I am sure no troops could ad- 
vance up that incline, straight and narrow, against well-served 
artillery. It was not fortified by the Mexicans to any extent, 
because it could be turned by two distant passes. This march 
of sixty odd miles was interesting in a high degree. Lofty 
mountains, deep valleys, wild, narrow passes, beautiful green 
fields in cultivation, babbling brooks surprising me at every 
turn. During this march from Monterey to Saltillo we made 
or gained an elevation of over four thousand four hundred feet, 
and we were now over six thousand feet above the ocean. The 
city is built on a slope that rises across the valley from moun- 
tains to mountains. You must understand that when we rose 
from out that steep ascent at Los Muertos there was apparently 
a plain before us. but really it was a valley, with continuous 
mountains on either side, all the way to A.gua Nueva; thence, on 
south toward the City of Mexico as far as the eye could see 
were blue peaks towering in the sky. 

As you will soon have a battle on hand "and a famous victo- 
ry," 1 will here give you some idea of the ground. Leaving the 
city of Saltillo and going south, the first place of note is the 
hacienda of Buena Vista,* rive miles distant, with its thick adobe 
(sun-dried brick) walls and flat roofs: next, a point eighl miles 
from the city called La Angostura (the Narrows), which became 
the center of the battlefield. Farther on is Encantada, the en- 
chanted place, and then Agua Nueva, nearly twenty miles from 
Saltillo. The ravines on the left of the road at Angustura ran 
back to the base of the mountain, and to the right of the road 
were dee]> gullies ( barrancas), some extending to the mountains 
uii the west. At one place the ravines on the left and the gul- 
lies on the right approach so near that there is room only for the 
road, forming the Narrows. 

It was about the 8th of February when we reached Saltillo. 
and soon after we were sent to the front at Agua Nueva. 
From many sources came corroborative testimony that the 
enemy was advancing on Saltillo by detachments. Seventy 

* •■ Beautiful View. " 



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MAP OF THE COUNTRY NEAR BUENA VISTA. 



7G Two Wars. 

volunteers, under Majs. Borland and Gaines, were captured at 
Encarnacion. within twenty miles of where we were encamped. 
On the 20th Col. May was sent to Hediondo on a reeonnoissance, 
and some of his troops were captured, but he returned with the 
information given him by a deserter from the Mexican army 
that Santa Anna, with an army of twenty thousand men, was 
at La Encarnacion, only twenty miles distant from Agua Nueva. 
.May got back early on the morning of the k j!lst. and a few hours 
after Maj. McCulloch arrived with like information, with this 
difference: He went to Encarnacion, climbed a lofty peak that 
overlooked the encampment of the Mexicans, and computet I their 
number for himself. This was continuation strong. 

On the 20th I went hunting with Lieut. R. L. Moore, of the 
Mississippi regiment. The day was warm: the winds were in 
their caves; an ominous silence pervaded all nature; the sun did 
not dazzle the eye, and was distinct in outline, like the full moon; 
the game was tame and stupid; Moore was heavy of heart and 
dreamy. There was something peculiar in this silence — like the 
desert like the stillness that oft precedes the tempest and the 
earthquake. Did Moore have a premonition of his death? He 
fell in the coming battle. The day left a lasting impression on 
my mind, it was so weirdlike and mystical. 

"By :i divine instinct men's minds mistrust 
Ensuing danger; as by proof, we see 
The water swell before a boisterous storm." 

On the :?lst, as I have mentioned, both May and McCulloch 
returned to camp. Bragg, in his usual sarcastic manner com- 
menting on May's expedition, remarked: " I perceive that it is 
harder to lose one's reputation than to make it.' 1 

It being an open country for some distance around Agua 
Nueva, Gen. 'lay lor, considering the great superiority of the 
enemy in numbers, resolved to tall back to Angustura, the nar- 
row pass, near Buena Vista. Our company went into camp on 
the plain above and near the city. On the morning of the 22d, 
we moved down to the site selected for the held of battle. If 
the Hudson river, where it passes through the Catskill Moun- 
tains, were dry and wider, and its surface furrowed by deep 
ravines and water gullies crossing it. it would resemble the field 
of Buena Vista. 

Capt. Washington's battery of eight guns was placed in the 



The Flag of Truce. 11 

road at the Narrows. Thence a ravine ran in a southeasterly di- 
rection. At the mouth of this ravine, on the plain, the line of 
infantry commenced and extended on the left toward the moun- 
tains. The howitzer which I commanded was put in position on 
the left of Col. Bissell's Second Regiment of Illinois. Lieut. 
G. H. Thomas had his gun on the right of this regiment. It 
was not long before away in the distance clouds of dust were 
seen growing larger and nearer as the cavalry came in sight; then 
came artillery and infantry moving to their right and confront- 
ing our line, with hands playing and banners waving. Hours 
were consumed in this movement. In the meantime Gen. Santa 
Anna under a flag of truce sent to Gen. Taylor a long communi- 
cation, particularly informing him that he was surrounded by 
twenty thousand men. and to avoid being cut to pieces, called 
on him to surrender at discretion, that he would be treated with 
the consideration belonging to the Mexican character, etc.. and 
Inscribed it: H God and liberty! Camp at Encantada, February 
22, ls47. Anto. Lopez de Santa Anna." 

It was in the Spanish language, and had to he translated to the 
General. Turning to Maj. Bliss, his adjutant general, he an- 
nounced a very forcible reply that was toned down by Maj. Bliss 
to the following: 

Headquarters Army of Occupation, / 
Nkak Bikna Vista, February 22, 1*47. f 

Sir: In reply to your note of this date summoning me to surrender my 
forces ;ii discretion, I beg leave i<> say thai I decline acceding to your re- 
quest. Z. Taylor, 

Major General U. S. A., Commanding. 
Senor Gen. l>. Anto. Lopez de Santa Lnna, Commanding in < liief, Encantada. 

As no siirns of an advance had Keen made, and as none could 
be attempted until after the return of the flag of truce, I rode 
down to where Gen. Taylor was to learn the purport of the dis- 
patch. I regret now that I did not write down the exact words 
made by the General in his verbal reply. 

I am sorry that I have no time to write you a description of 
this battle, but you will find it in some of the histories of this 
war. I can only tell you what relates to me and what I saw and 
heard. 

At 3 p.m. the firing of a solitary gun by the enemy was the 
signal for battle; and immediately the enemy began ascending 
a ridge of the mountain on our left. At the same time our 



78 • Two Wars. 

troops began climbing up another. These two ridges, like the 
sides of a triangle, met at a point halfway up the mountainside; 
so the higher they went the nearer they approached each other. 
This skirmishing on the mountain continued long after dark, and 
the 1 (right flashes of the muskets imparted an interest to the sur- 
roundings. 

When this prelude terminated, under the watchful sentinels. 
the two armies rested as best they could during the night. If 
you will bear in mind that the height of Mount Washington is 
6,234 feet, and that the plain or valley of La Encantada is 6,140 
feet above tide water, you will not be impressed with the idea 
that we were slumbering in an atmosphere as balmy as Egypt. 
On the contrary, the wind swept along the valley like a young- 
Dakota 'blizzard. 

Maj. John Munroe, one of the kindest men to be found in the 
army, may have derived his knowledge of Connecticut "bun- 
dling'' from the veritable historian Diedriek Knickerbocker or 
otherwise; but be that as it may, he suggested to Lieut. J. F. 
Reynolds and me that we should " bundle' 1 to keep warm during 
the night. So a blanket was spread on the ground and the oth- 
ers used for covering. The Major slept to windward, and Rey- 
nolds to leeward. In all my varied experience in life I cannot 
recall a night when 1 came so near perishing from cold. Yet 
there was nothing severely frozen, only tin 1 wind carried off all 
the heat from our bodies. When we got up I could not keep my 
teeth quiet. Some of the men of the company had a little fire, 
and we warmed our hands. Everybody was shivering. My serv- 
ant was in camp at Saltillo. and I do not remember getting any 
breakfast: I know I had no dinner or supper. 

Santa Anna was very considerate in not having reveille till a 
late hour, and then it was sounded in one command after an- 
other, perhaps to impress us with the number he had. Every- 
thing was done with Spanish gravity suitable to the occasion. 
There was no running to and fro. but decorum marked their 
proceedings, for I had an opportunity to judge. There had been 
some skirmishing since daylight up in the mountain, which was 
merely a side show. I was ordered by Col. Churchill to go to 
the base of the mountain and ride down the side of the ravine in 
front of the enemy to ascertain if it could be crossed by artil- 
lery. I did as directed, and was not tired at. This, was before 




fly 4*fUZ*~- £■ Sltf***** 



t 

A- 
B- 
C- 
D- 
E- 
F- 
G- 
H- 
I- 
J- 
K- 



PLAN OF BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 

Fought February 22, 23, IslT. 



Beadquarters of Taylor. 
Hacienda of Buena Vista. 
-La Augustura. 
-Deep gullies. 
-High land. 
-Plateau. 
-Ravines. 
-Broad ravine. 
-Encampment. 
Elevated ridge. 

-Occupied by enemy on the 22d. 
-Slope of the mountain occupied 

by our forces on the 22d. 
-Position of O'Brien's and I ii< liana 

Regiment. 



M Enemy's battery. 

N— Bragg's Battery and Kentucky 
Volunteers. 

OP o -Gorges. 

I! Second Illinois and Lieuts. 
Thomas's and French's guns. 

»S — Two of Sherman's guns. 

T — United States dragoons. 

U — Texas Rangers. 

V — Lane's Indiana Volunteers. 

W — Arkansas and Kentucky caval- 
ry- 

X — Column of first attack. 

Y — Lombardeni's Division. 

Z — Pacheco's Division. 



80 Two Wars. 

the heavy masses of infantry were put in motion. 1 reported 
the ravine impassable for artillery. 

The enemy's infantry was formed into three columns of at- 
tack. One moved down the road toward Washing-ton's halt cry. 
The central one was composed of two divisions commanded by 
Gens. Lombardini and Pacheco. Their third column had been 
deployed already, and a part of it had been skirmishing all the 
morning on the mountain side. T took the greatest interest in 
the central column. Pacheco managed to get his division in a 
ravine by entering it at the gorge, and moved up concealed, di- 
rectly in front of us. 1 tried to burst shells over them by short- 
ening the fuses, as they were only about one hundred and fifty 
yards distant. Their tiring increased rapidly. As Lombardini 
was advancing across the plateau to Pacheco's right. Pacheco's 
division rose from the ravine (to form line with him) directly 
opposite the Second Illinois troops. Instantly Bissell's and 
Lane's infantry opened tire on them, and Thomas and I used 
canister as rapidly as men (so well trained as ours were i could 
serve the guns. 

Unfortunately some of Lane's troops gave way and lied, and 
this enabled the enemy to gain our left Hank and rear. At this 
time I was struck with an ounce musket ball in the upper part 
of the right thigh while my left foot was in the stirrup in the 
act of mounting my horse. The shot was not painful at all. and 
the sensation was that of being struck with a club. I was put 
on my horse, as I could not walk. Soon after, to prevent being 
entirely surrounded, we were ordered to fall back toward the 
road, and came into line facing toward the mountain, and opened 
fire, now taking the enemy in Hank and rear as they were cross- 
ing the plain. I refused to be taken from my horse and put in 
a wagon, knowing I would be "lanced" by the Mexicans in case 
of disaster, so I sal on my horse all the rest of the daj^ walking 
him sometimes to the battery when it remained in one place any 
length of time. In the attack made in our rear Reynolds came 
by with his guns, and we drove back a large body of cavalry 
alone. Reynolds at the caissons prepared the shells, cut the 
fuses himself, and 1 directed the firing until the Mexican troops 
were driven beyond the range of the shells. He then moved in 
pursuit at full gallop and left me alone. The enemy was now 
in our front, left Hank, and rear. When Reynolds left me 1 



^4 Cavalry Fight. 81 

concluded to go to the hacienda of Buena Vista, now close by; 
but before I reached there I noticed the Arkansas and Kentucky 
cavalry forming in line a little way to the east of the hacienda, 
and at the same time I saw a brigade of the enemy's lancers com- 
ing from the base of the mountain to attack them. As I had 
never seen a cavalry fight, I watched it with a great deal of in- 
terest, being close by. The enemy were over two to one of ours. 
They came on in solid column, received the lire of our men with- 
out being checked at all, rode directly through our men, using 
their lances freely on every side. After passing over our troops 
they went near the hacienda, and were tired on by our men on 
the top of the building as they passed by. This brigade of lan- 
cers crossed the road to the west, then went south and joined the 
army where Santa Anna was, thereby having made the complete 
circuit of our army during the battle. 

When this affair was ended I saw another body of the enemy's 
cavalry coming down from near the mountains heading for the 
hacienda, and our infantry moving to intercept them. Observ- 
ing large crowds around and in the buildings, I went to them. 
I asked them, I begged them, implored them to fall into line, 
not to fight, but to show themselves to the enemy. I got about 
twenty into a company, and while waiting for others to join one 
by one those that I had asked went into the building for their 
companions until finally I was left alone, none of them return- 
ing. By this time the cavalry referred to came on down in splen- 
did style, and, instead of making a headlong charge, halted in 
front of the Mississippians and Indianians under Col. Jefferson 
Davis, and were repulsed with heavy loss. One of the guns of 
our bait cry was also engaged in this isolated fight. Why this 
cavalry rode down into the very jaws of death and came to a halt 
I never heard explained. 

Weary, tired, and weakened by loss of blood, with my leg 
stiff and useless, I rode into the court of the hacienda, and was 
taken from my horse and carried into a very large room and laid 
on the floor. The whole floor was covered with wounded. I was 
placed between two soldiers. One had both legs broken below 
the knee. The scene almost beggars description. The screams 
of agony from pain, the moans of the dying, the messages sent 
home by the despairing, the parting farewells of friends, the in- 
coherent speech, the peculiar movements of the hands and fin- 
6 



82 Two Wars. 

gers, silence, the spirit's flight — to where? And amidst all this 
sonic of the mean passions of humanity were displayed. Near 
me was a poor soldier hopelessly wounded. He was cold, and yet 
a wretch came and, against remonstrances, took the blanket off 
him, claiming that it was his. 

On the field I was twice taken from my horse by the surgeons 
and had the wound probed, but no probe could reach the ball. 
No surgeon was at the hacienda, so there I remained until after 
dark. I think there must have been seven or eight hundred able- 
bodied men at the buildings who had left ranks. When the tir- 
ing ended Gen. Taylor came. A tailboard of a wagon was 
brought in, I was placed on it and carried out and putinacom- 
mon wagon (by the General, Dr. Hitchcock. Col. May, and some 
others) between two wounded men. One of them was Col. Jef- 
ferson Davis, the other a lieutenant of volunteers. I said to the 
General I hoped he would gain a complete victory on the mor- 
row, and his reply was: "" Yes, yes, if too many of my men do 
not give me the slip to-night." I think he made this reply be- 
cause he was mortified and pained to And so many men at the 
hacienda who had deserted the field, many of them by carrying 
off the wounded and not returning to their companies. 

I was taken to our camp at Saltillo, put on the ground in my 
tent with but little covering, and left alone. "Where my serv- 
ant was I know not. The cam}) was silent, every one being away 
on or near the held of battle. It was to me a night of bodily 
suffering. About daylight 1 heard footsteps and called aloud, 
and was answered by a passing soldier coming to my relief. 
That morning I was moved to a hospital and received medical 
attention, and soon after I was sent to a private house occupied 
by the wife of one of our soldiers, where I received every care 
and was made comfortable. 

When I left my gun I went in search of an army surgeon, as 
I was urged to do by Lieut. Thomas, because I became dizzy and 
had to be taken from my horse for a while. I found Dr. Hitch- 
cock somewhere in the Held and exposed to some tire from the 
enemy in front. He advised me to take a wagon and go to the 
hospital. He was extracting a ball from Capt. Enoch Steen. of 
the dragoons, who was wounded, and who. perhaps to divert his 
mind from what the doctor was doing, or for relief from pain, 
was cursing two men who had stopped on their way back to 



A Second Attack. 83 

their company to see the operation performed. He ordered 
them away, called them cowards, and other vile names; but still 
they moved not until a musket ball came passing by more close- 
ly than others, knocked the hat off the head of one of them, 
and left his head white where it cut the hair from his scalp. He 
dropped his musket and jumped and danced around like mad. 
crying out, "I am killed, I am killed," to Steen's amusement 
and relief from the knife, by diverting his attention. 

After the right wing of the Mexican army, which had gotten 
away behind us. had been checked, it began to fall back along 
the base of the mountains, and succeeded finally in reaching the 
position it started from by a trick of Santa Anna's. Under a 
flag of truce, which our troops respected, he sent a message to 
Gen. Taylor u to know what h< wanted" and when our troops 
stopped tiring he withdrew his right wing.* 

After this came the last great effort of the enemy. He massed 
his troops and made the second grand attack very much as he 
did in the morning, and over the same ground. How T near he 
came being successful by this sudden attack on the force centered 
about Angostura while so many of our men were away near the 
base of the mountains in our rear, you will rind in the published 
accounts of the battle; and it was caused by the enemy making 
the attack before our troops could get on the plateau by reason 
of the circuitous route around the ravines that could not be 
crossed. I did not see this last struggle. Lieut. O'Brien lost 
his guns. Bragg would have lost his in a few minutes had not 
our battery and Davis's and Lane's regiments arrived the mo- 
ment they did to meet the advancing mass of the enemy. It was 
a death struggle. Our concentrated tire swept away the advan- 
cing line, the second faltered, halted, fell back, and the held was 
won. 

Santa Anna, when referring to this battle, frequently declared 
that he "won the victory, only Gen. Taylor did not know T when 

"The Mexican story is: That a Mexican lieutenant in the first line got 
mixed up with our troops and feigned a parley and was earned to Gen. 
Taylor. This was followed by his returning to the Mexican line accom- 
panied by two American officers to have an interview with Santa Anna. 
Then our line stopped firing and theirs did not. If this Mexican officer 
bore a flag of truce, it would explain why we stopped firing, and 1 am 
quite sure he did. 



84 Two Wars. 

he was whipped," and just stayed there, while he was obliged to 
go back for water, provisions, and forage, and left the field to 
Taylor. I take this occasion to express my gratification to San- 
ta Anna, even at this late date, for not staying on the field he 
had won, and I acknowledge his distinguished consideration in 
permitting me to remain at Saltillo. How vexatious it must 
have been to Santa Anna in his old age to recall to mind that the 
ignorance of Gen. Taylor in not knowing he was whipped so 
changed his destiny, and no doubt he thought how truthful is 
the line: 

"Where ignorance is bliss 'tis fully to lie wise." 

We had present 4,691 officers and men, and our loss was: 
killed. 272; wounded, 388; missing, 6; total, Q66. The relative 
number of wounded to the killed is very remarkable. Usually 
there are five or more wounded to one killed. The enemy num- 
bered over 20,000 men. Although their reports place their loss 
at over 4,000, it falls short of the real number. 

At dawn on the following morning it was discovered that Santa 
Anna had retreated to Agua Nueva. Gen. Taylor, with a proper 
escort, rode to Encantada and sent Col. Bliss to Santa Anna for 
an exchange of prisoners captured before the battle. This was 
effected. The wounded Mexicans even from Encarnacion were 
removed to Saltillo for medical care. 

Here we have the achievements of one plain, unpretending 
practical, common sense man, who was ever observant of duty, 
and whose declaration was, "I will light the enemy wherever 1 
find him," summed up in four victories — Palo Alto, Besaca, 
Monterey, and Buena Vista. Success, ordinarily, is the meas- 
ure of the greatness of a soldier. 



CHAPTER YIT. 

Drs. T. C. Madison, U. S. A., and G. M. Provostr- Surgical Operation- 
Courtesy of a Mexican Woman— Leave Saltillo— Paltry Escort— Safe at 
Monterey— The Rio Grande— Maj. W. W. H. Davis— New Orleans- 
Gen. Pillow— Col. Mcintosh— Bailey Beyton and Sargeant S. Prentiss— 
Drunk by Absorption— Steamer for Louisville— Racing on the River- 
Trip to Pittsburg, Pa.— By Canal Boat to Harrisburg— Home— Report 
to the Adjutant General— Go toTrenton,N. J.— Presentation of aSword 
—Go to Washington— John W. Forney's Bargain with Secretary Buch- 
anan— Capt. A. W. Reynolds— Sent to Troy. N. Y.— Gen. Wool— Leave 
Buffalo— Toledo— To Cincinnati by Canal— Society in Cincinnati— Ap- 
pointed Captain and Assistant Quartermaster— Start for Washington- 
Cross the Alleghany Mountains by Stage— Six Commissions in United 
States Army— Reception by Gen. Jesup— Capt. Rufus Ingalls. 

I NOW come hack to personal matters. The weather was 
springlike. The door of my room in Saltillo opened on the 
street on a level with the pavements, and through it and the win- 
dows I could see all the passersby, and it imparted a cheerful- 
ness to the surroundings. 

My physician was Thomas ('. Madison, United States army, 
a most estimable gentleman and skillful surgeon. Several con- 
sultations were held in my case. They would not cut for the 
ball because they could not discover where it was. I was be- 
coming- emaciated, and felt conscious that I could not live unless 
the ball was removed. I had now been on the cot over forty 
days, and I demanded that they should extract the ball, for 1 
could tell them when it was. So next day Dr. Madison came, 
and with him Dr. Grayson M. Prevost. They declined to use 
the knife, but promised to come on the morrow, and Dr. Madi- 
son came alone next morning. No one was present but my serv- 
ant. I placed my linger over where I was sure the ball was then 
located, and told him to perform his duty, that I was responsible 
for the result. In those days there was no anaesthetic known, 
and surgical instruments were not often made for special pur- 
poses. As I predicted, the doctor found the ball. I was watch- 
ing his face intently, and the moment he touched the ball I saw 
an expression of delight come over his countenance. Suffice to 
say, for the want of modern instruments, he cut a gash, or hole, 
larsre enough to insert his finger and a large steel hook to get 



86 Two Wars. 

the l>;il] out. I think the doctor was in :i Wetter humor than I 
was. for I had said had words to my servant for not holding my 
foot. I found afterwards it was the tetanus that cramped or 
contracted the muscles of the leg. In three days I managed to 
sit on the side of my cot; and some days after, with crutches, 
I went to the door and looked into the street. 

And now I must tell you a little incident. From my cot 1 
could see a Mexican woman who almost every afternoon would 
sit on her doorstep. She must have been very old, for her hair 
was as white as snow, her cheeks were bony, and her hands with- 
out flesh. She must have sympathized with me, though her en- 
emy in war, for on seeing me at my door she rose from her seat, 
made a slight courtesy, and soon after sent me a bunch of fresh 
flowers by a little girl. 

"One touch of nature makes the whole world akin." 

Sometime early in April I was informed that I could have an 
ambulance, with leave to return to the United States and report 
to the Adjutant General in Washington. 

I was furnished with an escort of two men on horses and my 
servant, Ave in all, to pass through the enemy's country to Mon- 
terey, a protection really inadequate. We reached Rinconada 
late in the day. and my bed was the counter of an abandoned 
store. The next day we arrived at Monterey safely, and 1 was 
made very comfortable by the quartermaster. I remained in the 
city until a train of wagons left for Camargo for army supplies, 
and when we started I took one "last, long, lingering" look at 
the surroundings of the city which had but a few months before 
been to me so pregnant with exciting events. 

The journey to Camargo was devoid of particular interest. I 
found a government steamer there, and took passage for Point 
Isabel, or Barzos Santiago. On the trip down the river we saw 
a great many cattle that, in attempting to get water, had sunk 
in the mud to perish. Some had only their heads visible; others, 
a part of their bodies. It was a piteous sight to see the poor 
beasts, while yet alive, being devoured by buzzards. 

When I arrived at Matamoras (apt. W. W. H. Davis came 
down to the steamer to see me. He was a student with us at 
Burlington, N. J., and was a general in the United States army 
during the late war, and is now a resident of Doylestown. Pa. 



An rival ix New Orleans. 87 

When in Matamoras he was a member of the start' of Gen. Ca- 
leb Cashing. He had retained my mail, and brought it to me on 
the steamer. Among the letters was one from Hon. Garret D. 
Wall informing me that the citizens of New Jersey had caused 
a sword to be made for me, and had placed it in his hands for 
presentation, at such place and time as would suit my conven- 
ience. This was a surprise to me, for no one had informed me 
of these matters. 

On arrival at Point Isabel there were a brig and a steamer 
ready to sail for New Orleans. I was put on board the brig, but 
it was so dirty that I could not remain, preferring to risk my 
life on the old sidewheel steamer James L. Day. As I was taken 
ashore I met Col. McClung, of Mississippi, also wounded, going 
on the brig, where he remained. On the steamer were some 
officers on their way to New Orleans from Gen. Scott's army, 
and among them was (Ten. Gideon J. Pillow, who was wounded 
slightly at Cerro Gordo. The steamer was unfit for a voyage on 
the ocean, although the weather was calm and the sea smooth. 
I amused myself watching from my cot the partition boards 
slide up and down, caused by the gentle rolling of the vessel. 
On reaching New Orleans we landed aside of some ship, on which 
I was placed, put in a chair, hoisted up and run out the yard- 
arm, and lowered on to the wharf. 

I think we arrived in New Orleans about the 18th of May. 
At the St. Charles I met a number of old friends, army offi- 
cers and civilians, and among the latter were Col. Bailey Peyton 
and S. S. Prentiss. In a few days I learned to locomote very 
well on one leg and my crutches. 

Some few days after we arrived in the city a grand illumina- 
tion and street procession was gotten up to celebrate some vic- 
tory of our army in Mexico, and late in the afternoon a commit- 
tee called on me to participate. About 8 p.m. Col. Macintosh 
and myself were escorted to a barouche drawn by four white 
horses, to take our place in the line of procession. The streets 
were crowded with people. The horses did not like the crowd, 
the shouts, the music, nor the transparencies, and manifested it 
by frequently standing upon their hind legs; and had it become 
necessary to get out of the carriage, I was not able to do so. The 
Colonel and I were put on exhibition as two " heroes'" from the 
war. The Colonel, as you remember, deserved it, for he was 



88 Two Wars. 

once pinned to the earth with bayonets and lances. One bayonet 
went in his mouth and passed through his neck into the earth. 
I rejoice to say we were returned to our landlord, from whom 
we had been borrowed, safely. I write this to show you how 
evanescent these things are. To-day we are the idols of the crowd; 
to-morrow we pass along the same street unobserved, unheeded, 
unknown save to friends. So passes away much of the glory of 
this world. 

One evening after tea Col. Peyton and Mr. Prentiss asked me 
if I was able to join them in a short walk down the street. We 
had gone but a little way when, passing a door, we heard some 
one speaking, and loud applause in a hall, the floor of which was 
on a level with the pavement. Mr. Peyton said: "Let us go 
in." It proved to be a political meeting called for the purpose 
of expressing a preference for some one of the prominent men in 
the Whig party for the presidency. Mr. Hunt, who was speak- 
ing, closed his address in a few minutes after we entered. We 
were close to the door by which we had entered. Some one saw 
Mr. Prentiss, and called out: " Prentiss! " He turned to gain the 
street, but the crowd would not let him pass, while "Prentiss! 
Prentiss!" came from a hundred mouths. He exclaimed to his 
friend: "Why did we come here?" There was no alternative 
but to face the standing crowd. He uncovered his head and in 
a few words excused himself. It was in vain! The cry was ev- 
erywhere: "Go to the platform!" Getting into a chair that 
chanced to be near the door, he spoke somewhat as follows, as 1 
recall it after a lapse of near fifty years: 

Mr. Chairman uml Friends: Asl was passing along this street with some 
friends 1 saw lights in this room and heard loud applause, and we entered 
to ascertain what was the object of the meeting, and from the closing re- 
marks made by the distinguished gentleman w ho lias just taken his seal 1 
can infer the object of this assemblage. 

When a young lady has been robed tor a grand ball her maid opens and 
places on the toilet table before her her jewelry case, that she may select 
such as will be the most appropriate for the occasion. She lakes out the 
sapphires and arrays them on her person to embellish her charms, butshe 
places them on the table before her. The attendant encircles her swanlike 
neck with pearls, emblems of her purity, but she has them placed beside 
the sapphires. They put diamonds in her ears, and the sparkling cross 
rests on her bosom, flashing incessant lights as it rises and falls with every 
breath. She surveys them carefully: then lias them removed and put aside 
also. And now rubies, the most costly of stones, are contrasted with her 



8. S. Prentiss. 89 

fair complexion; and at last they too are removed and laid with the oth- 
ers. She surveys them all, contrasts their qualities, and as each would be 
alike appropriate for the occasion, she stands undecided which is prefer- 
able. Now, Mr. Chairman, when I open the casket of Whig jewels, and 
gaze on their varied brilliancy, I am as undecided as the young lady was. 
They differ in some respects, but each is qualified for the opportunity, and 
I hesitate which I would commend as most worthy to occupy the presi- 
dential chair. 

How nicely he evades an expression of preference for any one 

for the office, and this without offense to any of the aspirants! 

While speaking of Mr. Prentiss I will relate to you as best I 
ran a story of his reply to Mr. P., who accused him of intoxica- 
tion while they were each making the joint canvass for Congress 
from Mississippi. And I will premise it by stating that P. had 
the reputation of being a lover of whisky. Jt was before a large 
and appreciative audience of Prentiss's friends, and in joint de- 
bate that the charge was made. In replying to that Mr. Pren- 
tiss said in his rejoinder, as I heard it related: 

Ladies and Gentlemen: Many of you know me well, you have been pres- 
ent with me at numerous social entertainments, and I acknowledge it is 
true that I have a taste for the light wines of Italy and the pleasant wines 
of France. Wines have been the common beverage of mankind on festive 
occasions from the remotest ages. They impart a genial warmth to my 
feelings, a glow of tenderness to my heart, awaken my imagination, en- 
large my sympathy, and give to music enrapturing charms, until in the 
fullness of joy I forget the ills of life and love my fellow-men. 

I assure you, my friends, I have never been drunk from drinking whis- 
ky; but my opponent, here is never so happy as when he retires to his 
room and draws from the closet his demijohn of whisky, throws it over 
his back, tips it over his shoulder: and no music is so sweet to his ear as 
the sound of the whisky singing "gurgle, gurgle, gurgle,"' as it leaps into 
the cup, save only that other sound of "gargle, gargle, gargle," as he pours 
it down his capacious throat. 

I have told you that I have never been drunk from drinking whisky. 
But by whisky, ah! I remember me now: I was once made drunk, and it 
happened in this way. Sometime ago I had occasion to attend court in 
a remote county, sparcely settled, and where there was but little accom- 
modation for the court. I arrived after night and repaired to the house 
pointed out to me where I could get lodging. The proprietor said his 
rooms were all full, but there was one room occupied by a lawyer that 
had a double bed in it, and perhaps he would share it with me. When I 
was ready to retire the landlord took a tallow candle and conducted me 
to the room. By the dim light I saw my present opponent in bed asleep, 
oblivious to sounds. I retired and slept by his side. When morning came 



90 Two Wars. 

I found myself possessed of a strange feeling; 1 was <li/./.y. sick, drunk. 
Yes, ii runic by absorption! 

When Mr. Prentiss began the great speech he made in New 
York City a clergyman took his watch from his pocket to note 
the time: and two hours after, when Mr. Prentiss fell exhausted, 
this clergyman felt his pocket for his watch. It was gone, and he 
thought he was robbed, until he discovered his watch open in his 
left hand. He was so captivated and en rapport with the won- 
derful orator that he was oblivious to time, and stood there in 
the vast crowd listening to the words as they fell from his lips. 
Turning to a friend, he exclaimed: "Never tell me that man is 
not inspired." 

I could tell you many things about this remarkable man. hut 
time and other matters forbid. I will say. however, that I 
believe that Alexander Hamilton and S. S. Prentiss head the 
list of all men in the United Stales who have achieved great- 
ness in early life. Prentiss's oratory burst on the people like 
a meteor athwart the sky. and ended as suddenly with his early 
death. 

When 1 left New Orleans the surgeons advised me that I should 
go by water as far as I could on my journey north, and avoid 
the shaking of the railroad cars. I took passage on the steamer 
Chancellor for Louisville, and when we backed out from the 
levee and headed up the river we saw a steamer — the Belle of the 
West. I think it was close behind us. and then the race began. 
For fifteen hundred miles it was a bitter struggle; first one ahead 
and then the other, according to the landings made. Now the 
Belle would be ahead and then our pilot would quit the main 
channel and by taking the "chutes" come out ahead. Then, we 
would be overtaken and run side by side. Often the two boats 
ran with their guards touching, allowing the passengers of the 
two steamers to converse with each other and have a jolly time. 
( )n the Belle was a lady with her three daughters, of whom you 
will hear more hereafter. At Paducah. finding a number of bar- 
rels of resin, our captain bought them to use with the wood to 
increase the steam. So on and on we went, with boilers hissing 
and volumes of black smoke rolling from the smokestacks or 
chimneys, forming great clouds that were wafted away by the 
winds. After five or six days and nights of clanking of the fire 
doors, ringing of the bells above and below, and the blowing of 



Racing on the Mississippi. 91 

whistles, we arrived at Louisville just fifteen minutes behind the 
Belle. 

When I look back on the danger incurred from the explosion 
of a boiler, I cannot recall to mind one word of protest from any 
passenger against carrying such a high pressure of steam, or of 
asking the officers to desist. On the contrary, every one would 
shout for joy and wave their handkerchiefs on the passing boat. 

However reprehensible, those races were common in the palmy 
days of steamboats on the "Father of Waters." 

From Louisville I went to Cincinnati, thence on a small steam- 
er to Pittsburg. Here I took passage on a canal boat for the 
east. As time was no object to me, I was not impatient of delay. 
and enjoyed the wild mountain scenery of the Alleghanies, and 
the pretty views along the blue Juniata; and as chance would 
have it, among the passengers were the lady (Mrs. J. L. Rob- 
erts) and her daughters that were on the Belle of the West, to 
whom I was presented by the gentleman who came to Pittsburg 
to meet them. They went by canal because one of them had 
been injured by having been thrown from their carriage. From 
this time on they were kind friends of mine, and I recall with 
delight the many happy days that 1 subsequently passedat their 
home on their plantation back of Natchez. Miss. 

I reached home in June, and my father and mother welcomed 
me — whom the newspapers had reported killed in battle — with 
a joy not unlike that given to him for whom the fattened calf 
was killed. 

I soon reported at the Adjutant General's office, and was given 
indefinite leave. Returning home, I received a note from a friend 
in the office of the Quartermaster General soon after, telling me 
that there were some vacancies in the quartermaster's depart- 
ment, and that if 1 would return to Washington and report to 
the department for duty I might be made captain and assistant 
quartermaster in the regular staff; but I did not go until some- 
time in July. 

I received a letter from Senator G. D. Wall stating that it was 
the wish of the committee that I should be in Trenton on the 
fourth of July to receive the sword that was to be presented to 
me. So I repaired to Burlington, and in company with him and 
the Rt. Rev. G. W. Doane, bishop of New Jersey, went to Tren- 
ton. When the people were leaving the hotel for the public 



92 Two Wars. 

hall where the presentation was to take place, the Senator sent 
me the manuscript of his intended remarks. It was too late to 
write anything in reply, as the carriages were waiting; so we 
got in and went to the hall. I was very much frightened. There 
were many on the stage or platform, and among them an officer 
of the navy in uniform. I had on a citizen's dress. 

Mr. Wall made a very appropriate address, and delivered the 
sword to me. I am sure that I made a very poor reply, and the 
only good thing was its brevity. But think of it! 'Wall did not 
say anything that he had written, but made an extempore speech, 
much to my surprise. When it was ended Senator W. L. Day- 
ton said to the General: "You made an excellent address." 
•• Well, I have a much better one in my pocket," was his reply. 
As I was comparatively a stranger to most of the large audience, 
I think the officer in uniform was taken for me, for when I rose 
to receive the sword there was a hum of surprise all over the 
house. I was glad when the presentation was ended. The next 
thing in order was to dine with the "Society of the Cincinnati." 
of New Jersey. I was invited to dine with the "Society of the 
Cincinnati '■' of Pennsylvania also, but declined. One dinner was 
ample, and I was not strong. 

In a day or two I returned to Washington. I was ordered by 
Dr. A. S. Wotherspoon to quit all labor, and after he had ban- 
daged my leg he kept me on my back three weeks. It did no 
good; no adhesion of the parts was made. I was \e\ed; so I 
took from my trunk a bottle of I know not what, obtained in 
New Orleans, only it smelled of turpentine, and injected it into 
the wound. I got up in the morning to go home, but lo and be- 
hold, the bandages were all saturated with blood and the wound 
inflamed. So, instead * >f going home, I was put on my back again. 
However that injection inflamed the sinus in my leg, and when 
bandaged again all the interior grew together, and in three weeks 
I was on my crutches, and my toes, or foot, touched the ground 
for the first time for about six months. So I was permanently 
(aired by accident. 

I had made application to the President for the appointment 
of assistant quartermaster some time in June. Now one day in 
duly, when I was kept in bed by the doctor, a friend of mine, 
Mr. Nugent, came to my room to impart to me the information 
that I would not get the appointment because I could not "take 



Xot Able to " Take the Field." 93 

the field," and that it would be given to Lieut. A. W. Reynolds, 
who was in Philadelphia on recruiting service. Nugent was con- 
nected with a newspaper, and was at times an assistant in the 
office of James Buchanan, Secretary of State, if I remember 
aright. On that day J. W. Forney, editor of The Pennsylva- 
n ia a. a Democratic paper in Philadelphia, was in the office of 
Mr. Buchanan, and agreed to throw George M. Dallas, Vice 
President, overboard and support Mr. Buchanan for the presi- 
dency provided certain things were done by him for Mr. For- 
ney. One of these items was that A. W. Reynolds should be 
appointed assistant quartermaster. I asked Nugent what special 
service Reynolds had rendered, as he had not been in Mexico at 
all, to entitle him to promotion. "* Why he has always carried 
his recruits to the polls to vote for Forney's Democratic friends." 
And thus it was; and on the 5th of August Reynolds was ap- 
pointed "to take the field." Reynolds was a genial fellow, and 
"took the field" by remaining in Philadelphia until the spring 
of 1848, when he went to Matamoras to bring some mules to the 
States. 

Lieut. Derby, alias John Ploenix, alias John P. Squibob, that 
prince of humorists, and I had now located ourselves on Four- 
teenth Street, near Willard's, expecting to have a pleasant time 
during the coining winter, when one day about the 8th of Sep- 
tember a messenger from the War Department brought me a 
note asking me if I was able to go to the arsenal at Troy, N. Y., 
to select a six-gun field battery, caissons, harness, etc., all com- 
plete, and take it with me, by way of the lakes and canal, to 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 

I replied that I would leave immediately. While at Troy I 
met Gen. Wool. He had come home from Buena Vista. He 
tfad some friends to meet me at a dining, and I remember his 
pun on a young lady to whom I was presented, "Miss Hart, one 
of dee?' family." The battery was shipped on a canal boat 
to Buffalo. I went by train. Stopped in Rochester all night. 
The next morning, October 16, the ground was covered with 
snow, which made me apprehensive that the navigation by canal 
would close in Ohio before I could reach there. When the steam- 
er arrived at Cleveland the water had been let out of the canal, 
so we went on to Toledo. From there I went on to Cincinnati 
by passenger boat. I was the only passenger, except local ones 



94 Two Wars. 

getting on and off' along the route. Toledo was no town at all, 
and the sidewalks were "paved" with gunwales of barge boats, 
and here and there a plank, and the mud! 

1 remained in Cincinnati during the months of November and 
December idle, awaiting orders. There were many parties giv- 
en, and the society people were pleasant and accomplished. 
During the day, however, nearly all the men were busy, and I 
used to say there were but three young men idle in the city — 
Grosbeck, F'ebiger, of the navy, and myself. 

Early in January, 1848, Senator J. D. Westcott informed me 
that the President had appointed me captain and assistant quar- 
termaster, and sent my name, among others, to the Senate for 
confirmation. 

The commission is dated January L2, 1848. I had been in the 
service only four and a half years and had received six commis- 
sions viz.. brevet second lieutenant. United States army; 
second lieutenant. Third Artillery: brevet first lieutenant, United 
States army: first lieutenant, Third Artillery; brevet captain. 
United States army; and captain and assistant quartermaster in 
the general staff of the army, outranking some officers that had 
been from twelve to eighteen years in service. The brevets 
were bestowed for ""gallant and meritorious services at the bat- 
tles of Monterey and Buena Vista, Mexico." 

When I was informed of the appointment 1 went up the river 
to Brownsville. Pa., thence to Cumberland, Md., by stage. The 
weather was intensely cold. Snow covered the plains and the 
mountains, and travel had made the roads very smooth and slip- 
pery. In going down Laurel Mountain Ave barely escaped an 
accident. The stagecoach, when held back, would swing around 
on the icy incline and go down sideways, and to prevent this the 
driver gave reins to the horses and we were descending at a gal- 
lop, when turning ;l point we met an eight-mule team that had 
the inside track, leaving our driver just a possible space to pass. 
He measured the space and saw the danger instantly, barely 
missed the hubs of the enormous wagon, and, as he sheered in 
behind the wagon, our hind wheel on the right threw down the 
mountain side a quantity of earth, snow, and rocks. There were 
nine of us in the coach, which gave us the privilege of stopping 
at night. A member of the Senate from Missouri was opposed 
to the delay; he must be in Washington, and so the. party was 



Experience a Good Teach eh. 95 

divided. The narrow escape from death settled the matter, for 
when we got out for supper no one said to the driver: " We will 
go on to-night." 

On arriving in Washington I was ordered to report to Gen. 
Thomas S. Jesup, Quartermaster General of the army. He re- 
ceived me courteously, but observed in a pleasant manner: " I 'apt. 
French, neither you nor Capt. Rufus Ingalls were recommended 
by me for appointment in my department; you were commis- 
sioned over officers that I recommended. Besides, the regulations 
of the army forbids any officer from becoming a captain and as- 
sistant quartermaster until he has been five years in service, and 
neither of you have been in the army five years." 

It was suggested to him that experience was a slow but very 
good teacher; that one of his last appointees had not been in the 
field, while Capt. Ingalls and I had served nearly two years in 
Mexico, and from experience had derived some knowledge of 
the duties of officers of the department which should overbal- 
ance length of years of service in garrison at home, and that we 
should not be condemned before trial. 

It is a remarkable fact that Gen. Ingalls was retained, from 
the beginning to the end of the war, as the chief quartermaster 
of the Army of the Potomac under its many commanders. It 
is proof of his great administrative ability. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Ordered to New Orleans— Baton Rouge— Col. W. W. S. Bliss— Maj. J. H. 
Eaton — Maj. R. S. Garnett — Taylor Nominated for President — Return 
to New Orleans — Ordered to Vieksburg — "Gen." McMacken, the Prince 
of Landlords — Bishop Polk — Sent to Mobile — Regular Army at East Pas- 
cagonla. Miss. — Gen. Twiggs and His Fiancee — Sail for Galveston — Gal- 
veston — Houston — Austin — Troops Sent to Establish Posts, now Cities — 
San Antonio — Death of Gen. Worth — El Paso — Return to San Antonio — 
New Orleans — Call on Gen. Twiggs — Twiggs and Tree — Sword Presented 
to Me— Dine at the President's — Death of President Taylor — Fillmore 
President — Capt. Ringgold, U. S. N. — Ordered to Louisville — Return to 
Washington — Col. Joseph Taylor— Gen. W. O. Butler — Maj. Gaines — 
Cincinnati — Salmon P. Chase. 

I WAS ordered to report for duty to Col. D. D. Tompkins 
in New Orleans, and remained there some three months. 
From that city I was put on duty at Baton Rouge, La., where 
Gen. Taylor and his family were living at the barracks. Of his 
statf, Col. Bliss, Maj. Eaton, and Capt. R. S. Garnett were with 
him. One day I was walking down town with Mrs. Taylor and 
her daughter Bettie, when a steamer landed, and brought the 
news of the General's nomination for President. Mrs. Taylor 
expressed regret that he was nominated; said "he had honors 
enough; 1 ' but added, however, "Since he has become a can- 
didate, I hope he will be elected, and if he be, I will not preside 
at the White House.*' 

From Baton Rouge I went to New Orleans; thence to Yicks- 
burg, Miss., July 4, 1848, to muster out of service the regi- 
ment of Mississippi riflemen commanded by Col. Reuben M. 
Davis. We lived at the Prentiss House, kept by that prince of 
landlords, Gen. McMacken, who always "cried" his bill of fare. 
He said that when he kept a hotel in Jackson, Miss., he was 
obliged to do so, because so many of the members of the Legis- 
lature at that time could not read the printed ones, and he con- 
tinued it to the day of his death. He was exceedingly pleasing 
in manners. On one occasion, seeing a gentleman of a com- 
manding presence enter the dining room and seat himself at 
the table, he welcomed him with: "Good morning, general." 
"That is not my title, sir." "Ah. excuse me, judge." "Mis- 



Gen. Twiggs Jealous. 



97 



taken again, sir." "Well, bishop, what will you be helped to*" 
"Why do you call me bishop?" "Because I am sure that you 
stand at the head of your profession, whatever it may be." That 
gentleman was Bishop Leonidas Polk, afterwards a Confederate 
general. 

During the summer and fall there was yellow fever in Mobile 
and New Orleans; but no one regarded it, except to leave the 
cities at night if possible; during the day business went on as 
usual. 

On my return to New Orleans I was ordered to Mobile, Ala., 
to take charge of government property, and to muster out a 
company of Alabama cavalry. This finished, I Avas kept there 
awaiting orders. In the meantime the army from Mexico had 
returned, and was encamped at East Pascagoula, and in Septem- 
ber I was ordered there. 

The evening I arrived there was a ball given at the hotel. I 
met there a young, tall, and pretty lady from Mobile, with whom 
I was acquainted. She personated the morning star. Leaving 
the "floor," she took a seat on a sofa beside Gen. Twiggs, and 
I seated myself on the other side of her. She declined several 
sets, and I remained talking with her. All the while the Gen- 
eral said but a few words. The windows were open, and I felt 
some one on the gallery pull my hair. I went out to ascertain 
the meaning of it. Two or three officers came up, and said: 
"French, don't unpack your trunk; you will be ordered away 
m the morning. Don't you know that young lady is Gen. 
Twiggs's tiancee ? He is as jealous as a Barbary cock. " I men- 
tion this because of something hereafter. 

I remained in Pascagoula until the army had been sent hither 
and thither, according to the wants of the service. The last 
shipment of troops was some cavalry to Galveston, and I fol- 
lowed on after them, last of all, in an old propeller. It so hap- 
pened, as I was leaving the wharf, that a captain of a vessel had 
just made an observation of the sun to get the time, and I set my 
watch by it. When we got out on the gulf a cyclone came on. 
The ship had no chronometer, and only anthracite coal, which 
made but little steam. The propeller was now spinning in the 
air; then motionless when under water. Finally the captain had 
to run before the wind to the south. 

Some days after, when running north, we saw land, and made 



98 Two Wars. 

observations. I got the longitude from my watch. It said thirty 
miles from Galveston. The captain said that the land was the 
mouth of the Sabine river. Two hours after, we saw the ship- 
ping in Galveston, proving my observation correct. The wind 
was still blowing hard. No pilot boat could come out for us. 
It was a government ship, and I ordered the captain to make 
the harbor. The trouble was to find the outer buoy. Finally 
it was discovered, and we got in safely. 

Gen. Twiggs had been assigned to the Department of Texas, 
and I found him in Houston. We remained there a few days: 
and, w T hen the dragoons started for Austin, Twiggs, his aid, Capt. 
W. T. H. Brooks, and I took the stage for Austin also. It had 
been raining all day and all night when we started. From Hous- 
ton to a small mound on the prairie twenty-five miles on the 
road the land was all under water, and still it rained. We crossed 
the Brazos river about noon, and went on in the rain, which con- 
tinued all night. At 2 a.m. the driver turned out of the road, 
and down went the coach till the body was on the ground. The 
driver said that there was a farmhouse about four miles farther 
on. A horse was unhitched, and Gen. Twiggs was put on it 
bareback to ride to the house. Two passengers went on foot. 
I had in a satchel $5,000 in gold (government funds), which was in 
the box under the hind seat. Brooks said that he would stay there 
and guard it, if I would go on and get help. I also mounted a 
horse and overtook the General. When we reached the house, 
the farmer got up, had a tire made to dry our clothing, and agreed 
to send some mules to bring in the coach. The General made 
so many abusive remarks about Texas and the people that the 
farmer got mad, and said that the stage might "stay where it 
was:" but when he was satisfied that the remarks made by 
Twigg were not personal, he started the servants for the 
coach. The General and I had to rest in the one bed the best 
we could. 

The coach came up about eight in the morning. The General 
declared that he would go no farther, but return to New Or- 
leans. Now, the truth was, he wished to go back to meet that 
young lady. I was told that when she returned to Mobile some 
of her old and experienced friends persuaded her to marry a 
younger man, who had long solicited her hand. When the Gen- 
eral reached New Orleans he was sadly disappointed; but he 



Ordered to El Paso. 99 

found consolation soon after in marrying the widow of Col. 
Hunt, late of the United States army. 

We left Taylor's (the farmer) the same day, and went on to 
Plum Creek; and, as it was not fordable, we had to stop w r ith a 
widow and her two daughters. Her house had only one room, 
and a cock loft gained by a ladder. The following persons found 
shelter with the family that night — viz., Maj. Ben McCulloch, 
Durand and his two sisters, our two passengers, the postmaster, 
Brooks, myself, and the stage driver — thirteen in number. 

After supper was over our hostess lit her cob pipe, and enjoyed 
her evening smoke, after which she politely offered it to those 
inclined to indulge. When the time arrived to retire, the old 
woman had no trouble in disposing of her ten guests. She 
merely said, "You men can go aloft," and there on the floor 
we passed the night, It was well that the General remained 
at Taylor's. The morning dawned clear, but the creek was 
not fordable until noon. In the course of time the stagecoach 
reached Austin, where I remained during the winter, fur- 
nishing transportation for troops to the frontier; and where 
they were located are now to be found the cities of Waco, Dal- 
las, Fredericksburg, etc. The sword plants the banner, and a 
city is built around it. 

In the month of February, 1849, I received an order from the 
Quartermaster General to go to San Antonio and fit out a train 
to go to El Paso with the troops to be stationed there. For that 
purpose I bought one thousand one hundred and eighty oxen, 
and collected about two thousand head of mules, six hundred of 
which were wild mules from Mexico, and I have never had any 
admiration for that animal in his native state since, for, like his 
sire as told in the book of Job, " neither regardeth he the cry- 
ing of the driver." 

To-day (November 22, 1894) is my birthday, and I am now 
six years past the time alloted to man by the psalmist. For 
this I am truly grateful to Him from whom all blessings flow, 
and I will henceforth endeavor to walk humbly before him. 

I had established my camp on the prairie about nine miles 
from the city, where there were almost four hundred hired men. 
In March the cholera made its appearance, and in a malignant 
form. Some cases occurred in camp, and, as I could not get a 
physician to go out there, I wrote for Dr. Baker, of Austin, an 

L.ofC. 



100 Two Wars. 

elderly man, to come over and take charge of it. On his ar- 
rival I furnished him with a mule, and gave him directions to 
find the camp. Night came on, and no doctor returned. The 
next morning about nine o'clock he rode up to my office with 
his umbrella under his arm, his mouth drawn up, the picture of 
despair. I asked him: "Are many sick in camp?" He shook 
his head in the negative. He was invited to dismount and 
come into the office, which he did, and told his grievance. It ap- 
pears that he found camp, attended to the few sick, and started 
to return to the city. When he reached the Salado, a small 
stream a few miles from town that was about ten feet wide, his 
mule declined to cross the creek; neither would she wet her 
feet, as the doctor did, and be led over. All attempts were fu- 
tile. So, worn out, the doctor sought the shelter of a tree, and 
sat there all night holding in his hands the bride reins. In the 
morning the animal was still stubborn, and the doctor in de- 
spair. No lone sailor on a raft in midocean hailed an ap- 
proaching sail with more delight than did the doctor a Mexi- 
can coining down the road. He made known his trouble to 
the Mexican, who said: "Si, Senor, me fix him. 11 The man 
got off his own mule, mounted the doctor's, rode off about fifty 
yards; then applying whip and spur at every leap, the male 
could not stop, but was plunged into the water. He rode 
quietly across three or four times, and then the doctor had no 
more trouble. The next trip the doctor was furnished with a 
pony. He was a kind old gentleman, and went on with us to 
El Paso as physician. 

In May Gen. Worth arrived to take command of the depart- 
ment. A few days after, he died of cholera, and the command 
devolved on Gen. W. S.. Harney. 

The expedition to Paso del Norte was under the command of 
Maj. Jefferson Van Home, Engineer Officer Col. J. E. Johnston, 
and the Quartermaster ( myself). The object of the expedition 
was to march a pari of the third regiment of infantry to Paso 
del Norte to garrison that place, and my train was to convey 
public stoics there for their future use and to open a public road 
to that point now called El Paso. There was no road, not a 
path, from San Antonio to Paso del Norte. All was an un- 
known, untrodden extent of plains, hills, and mountains over 
which perhaps no white man had ever traveled, except two 



Grapes and Cacti. 101 

United States engineers who had ridden over it in returning 
from New Mexico. 

We left San Antonio June 1, 1849, and arrived at El Paso 
early in September. We remained there nearly a month. At 
that time El Paso was a town on the Mexican side of the Rio 
Grande river. There was but one building on the Texas side, 
and that was the MaggoinVs hacienda. Vegetation at El Paso 
grows very rank, and fruit exceedingly tine. The grape attains 
a large size, and bunches weighing four pounds were common. 
I brought with me cacti, in form like an acorn, and so large that 
the hoops had to be removed from a clothing tierce (a small 
hogshead) to put a single one inside for transportation. 

I pass over all description of the country and incidents of the 
journey home, because I leave you the original diary, and my 
report was published by the United States government.* The 
oxen and wagons drawn by them were all turned over to the 
post quartermaster, and I returned with the mule teams only. 

Our return to San Antonio was over the Guadalupe moun- 
tains, down Delaware Creek to the Horse-head crossing of the 
Pecos river, thence down that stream to where we crossed it on 
our way out. There is now a railroad from San Antonio to El 
Paso, following generally our route, which runs on to the City 
of Mexico, f Remaining in San Antonio long enough to make 
out my accounts, I proceeded to New Orleans. I there found 
Gen. Twiggs in command, and called from courtesy to see him 
at his headquarters. His aid, Capt. W. T. H. Brooks, who, as 1 
have related, remained in the stage when it sank in the mud, in- 
formed me that the general commanding said 1 must shave off 
my beard, as a general order to the effect had been issued by 
the adjutant general. I did not obey, as I was under orders 
from the quartermaster general to return to Washington, and 
did not consider myself in his command at all. The next day I 
was at "the general's office unshaved. He made no remarks to 
me about it then, but some time that day Brooks came to the 
hotel and ordered me to have my beard cut off. I did not go 
to the barber. The next day I left New Orleans resolved to 
beard the adjutant general in his den in Washington. On ar- 

* Senate Document. 

f Also to San Francisco, Cal., as was then predicted. 



102 Two Wars. 

rival there I found the shaving order not enforced, and thus I 
saved my beard. 

As 1 never met Gen. Twiggs again while I remained in the 
United States army, I will take my leave of him. He was not 
a man well beloved by officers or soldiers; he possessed no mag- 
netic power; he was not genial in temper or disposition, and yet 
he enjoyed a joke, and at times made a pun. He entered the 
army in L812. When that war terminated he was a captain. 
On the reorganization of the army he was retained in service 
and made a major. Being asked in what battle he gained his 
promotion, he replied "in the affair at Ghent," meaning the 
treaty of peace with Great Britain. There was in the second 
regiment of dragoons an officer named A. D. Tree, who pos- 
sessed a frailty from which the General was not exempt. On 
account of this, complaint was made to the General about Tree. 
The General sent for Tree and asked him about the matter. 
His reply was: "You cannot blame me; just as the Twigg is 
bent, the Tree is inclined/' The common influence of example 
was tacitly acknowledged, his wit appreciated, and he withdrew 
under words of advice from lips that smiled. When Twigg's 
native State seceded from the Union, he resigned from the army 
and entered the service of the Confederate States. His ad- 
vanced age kept him from active operations in the field. He 
had left in New Orleans the sword presented to him by the 
State, together with his silver plate, and it was all seized by 
Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, United States army, when in com- 
mand in that city. 

While I was absent in Texas, on the 8th of February, 1849, the 
Governor of the State of New Jersey, in pursuance of a resolu- 
tion passed February 10, 1847 by the Legislature of that State 
directing him to procure swords to be presented to Capt. W. 
R. Montgomery, Lieut. N. B. Rossell, Fowler Hamilton, and 
Samuel G. French, of the United States army, for brave and 
gallant conduct displayed by them in the battles of Palo Alto. 
Resaca de la Palma, and Monterey, made the presentation. 
Richard P. Thompson, of Salem, N. J., acting in my behalf, 
received the sword for me, and I am sure I will be pardoned for 
relating some of the proceedings. 

Gov. Haines, in his address, was pleased to say in reference 
to me at Palo Alto: 



Address of Gov. Haines. 103 

While the battle was fiercely raging, a body of Mexican lancers 
made a movement to the right, apparently with a design upon the trains. 
The Fifth Regiment of Infantry, with two pieces of artillery, were ordered 
to advance and check them. To form in square to receive the impetuous 
charge of the horsemen and to repel them, was the well-performed duty 
of the Fifth Infantry; to scatter them in all directions was the quick work 
of the battery under First Lieut, Ridgely, assisted by Second Lieut. 
French. 

At Palo Alto, and Resaca: 

The bearing of Lieuts. French and Hamilton in both these sangui- 
nary engagements was marked for its gallantry and courage, and merits 
our highest praise. Of the former it is sufficient to say that he served a 
battery in conjunction with Lieut. Ridgely. and in that duty contributed 
largely to the success of our arms. 
At Monterey: 

Lieut. French performed deeds of daring worthy of commendation. 
He was exposed during the attack to imminent perils. Among others, the 
battery under his command advanced through the blood-stained streets 
of the well-fortified town in the face of the enemy's artillery and amidst 
showers of balls from the musketry upon house tops. Of the five who 
served his gun, four were shot down by his side. These are the battles. 
and this but a small part of the brave and gallant conduct referred to by 
the Legislature in their resolution, and for which, in the name of the people 
of the State, they desire to thank and to honor you. That they have not 
misjudged is manifested by your subsequent conduct. 

In the bloody and desperate conflict of Buena Vista, Lieut. French 
bore himself with great intrepidity, and was severely wounded. For 
his gallantry he has been promoted to the rank of captain, and we have 
to regret that his services in a distant part of the country deprives us of 
the pleasure of his company here to-day, and requires him to be repre- 
sented by his friend. 

Richard P. Thompson, Esq., on my behalf spoke as follows: 
Sir: In behalf of Capt. French, to whose patriotic services you have al- 
luded in terms so eloquent and just. I accept with profound gratitude 
this beautiful sword— the proudest testimontal a brave man could desire 
from his native State. 

It is a soldier's duty to obey with cheerfulness and alacrity the call of 
his country— his post of honor is on the battle field, amidst the "pride and 
pomp, and circumstances of war,"— his loftiest ambition to bear that flag 
to victory that never knew defeat, and to win for himself the approval of 
his countrymen. When on the bloody fields of Buena Vista, Palo Alto, 
Resaca de la Falma, and Monterey, Lieut. French periled his life for his 
country, one bright and sunny hope animated his young and gallant 
spirit, and this day, sir, finds that glorious hope fulfilled. Here, in sight 
of the battle ground of Trenton, the descendants of heroes are proving to 
the world how Jerseymen appreciate and reward the heroism of her sons. 



104 Two Wars. 

To Capt. French, now absent on military duty, the events of this day, 
sir. shall be faithfully transmitted, and I can well imagine how his manly 
heart will overflow with gratitude. The perils and privations he endured, 
the pain and anguish of his wound, will be forgotten in the joy of this 
event — in the knowledge that the Legislature of his beloved State, with a 
magnanimity alike honorable to themselves as to him, have placed in his 
hands this mute but eloquent certificate of brave deeds in his country's 
service. 

In accepting for him this evidence of the regard in which New Jersey 
holds his bravery, in the presence of her assembled representatives, and 
of this bright and beautiful array of her mothers, wives, and daughters, I 
pledge myself to you, sir, her chief Executive Magistrate, that my brave 
young friend will treasure it as the proudest gift of his life — that its keen 
and polished blade shall suffer no stain from his dishonor — that in peace 
he will guard it with a soldier's fidelity, in war defend with it the honor 
of his country — unsheath it never in an unholy cause — and part with it 
only when he shall be laid at rest " beneath a soldier's sepulcher." 

The inscription on the scabbard reads: 

Presented by the State of New Jersey to Lieut. Samuel G. 
French, of the third Regiment, United States Artillery, for brave 
and gallant conduct displayed in the battles of Palo Alto, Reseca 
de la Palma, and Monterey. Subsequently distinguished at Bue- 
na Vista, and promoted to the rank of captain. 

AEQUM EST MILITEM 
TXTREPIDUM 
HONORE 
AFFTCERE. 

And so my good friend Mr. Thompson relieved me from the 
embarrassment of returning thanks, publicly, for the sword de- 
livered by the Governor. 

While on this subject I will here remark thai this sword and 
the former one were taken from my summer home in Woodbury, 
N. J., in the absence of the family, and with all personal prop- 
erty and realty sold by the United States marshal at public out- 
cry under the confiscation act of 18<J2.* Were the proceeds cov- 
ered into the treasury '. 

I arrived in Washington during the winter of 1849-50, and 
made a report of the expedition that was published by the gov- 
ernment as I have stated. The Quartermaster General, or the 
War Department, kept me all the year 1850 in Washington, or 
within call, for any special duty required. 

* Until charged, tried, and convicted of treason is confiscation legal: 



Death of President Taylor. 105 

Soon after my arrival in Washington I was honored with an 
invitation to dine with the President. I had the pleasure of tak- 
ing in to dinner Miss Taylor, a young lady from Louisiana. 
The guests were too many for any general conversation, and 
nothing of moment occurred. 

I was in Philadelphia when the news of the death of the Pres- 
ident was received, July 9, 1850. Having been with him in all 
his battles in Mexico, I was pained to hear of his death, and that 
I had lost a kind friend. He had lived a soldier's life until 
elected President, and had never heard the voice of detraction, 
or his name mentioned except for praise, until he was forced 
into the political arena. 

A lady friend of mine told me that she had a room at the ho- 
tel adjoining the General's reception room, and thus involunta- 
rily heard much wrangling about the formation of his cabinet. 
Delegations of politicians from different States would go so far 
as to demand that certain men should be members of his cabinet 
as the price of loyalty to the party and support of his adminis- 
tration. The enemy on the battlefield never perplexed him as 
did his political friends and the pressure for appointment to 
office. He whose order and every word was obeyed now found 
himself confronted by the bitterest opposition, which perplexed 
him in the extreme, and, no doubt, it shortened his days. Brave, 
liouest, pure, sincere, as a soldier he never deviated from the 
path of duty: and If we consider that the Avorld has limited the 
fame of a soldier to one single measure, deeds performed, by 
this test his fame is imperishable. His every success was 
achieved by his daring, steadfast determination to do his duty, 
and tight the enemy wherever he found him, regardless of all 
odds. In this respect he might be paralleled with Nelson. 

Mr. Fillmore now became President. Soon after this the 
Gardiner claim was being investigated, and I believe there were 
six commissioners to be sent to Mexico to examine the mine. 
The President was to name two of these commissioners; the Sen- 
ate, two; etc. I was informed by the Adjutant General that the 
President instructed him not to send me on any duty out of the 
city, as he purposed to name me as one of his commissioners. 
However, about a month after this, Senator Soule, of Louisiana, 
came to the department to see me, and I believe my knowledge 
of the Spanish language did not come up to his expectations; 



106 Two Wars. 

and, if I remember aright, Lieut. Doubleday was named at his 
suggestion. 

It was about this time that Capt. Ringgold, of the United 
States navy, asked me urgently to go with him as the artist on 
an expedition to make a coast survey of Kamchatka, and thence 
on south. He consulted the Secretary of War, and obtained per- 
mission for me to go if he made the application. He spoke of 
the climate in summer, and said in the fall we would sail for the 
Sandwich Islands and pass the winter there. The expedition 
was a tempting one, but other considerations induced me to de- 
cline going. Capt. Ringgold was a brother of Maj. Ringgold, 
who was killed at the battle of Palo Alto. 

I think it was during this autumn that I was sent to Louis- 
ville, Ky., to purchase horses for the cavalry. 

About the middle of December Col. Joseph Taylor, Maj. 
Gaines, his two daughters, and I took passage on a steamer for 
Cincinnati. There was much floating ice in the river, and snow 
began to fall, and it turned very cold. The captain ran into the 
mouth of the Kentucky river to avoid the heavy drift ice. In 
the morning we found the steamer fast in frozen ice, and wag- 
ons and sleighs came alongside. Gen. W. O. Butler came on 
board to see Col. Taylor, and, as there was no prospect of the 
steamer leaving for weeks, arrangements were made for Gen. But- 
ler to send us on to Florence in his common two-horse farm wagon. 
The next morning the trunks were put in for seats and we start- 
ed on our journey. The country was covered deep with snow, 
and the thermometer was fourteen degrees below zero. I walked 
behind the wagon nearly all the way to keep warm. The driv- 
er's hands were nearly frozen, and in crossing an awful ravine 
the horses were not checked and the wheels on one side would 
have missed the bridge and all in the wagon been killed had not 
my trunk fallen out in front and stopped the wagon. Fortu- 
nately no damage was done. The driver was to blame for not 
telling us his hands were half frozen. 

It was dark when we reached Florence, and for once tire could 
not warm me for hours. Next day Col. Taylor bargained for a 
jumper (sled) to take him and me to Cincinnati. We crossed 
the river on the ice, and were driven up to the door of the hotel 
in the jumper. Next day Hon. Salmon P. Chase joined Col. 
Taylor, and we went on to Washington together. 



CHAPTER IX. 

January, 1851, Ordered to El Paso — Capt. Sitgreaves — Sail for Havana 
— Barnum and Jennie Lind— Sail for New Orleans — By Steamer to 
Galveston — On the Gulf for Indianola — San Antonio — Report of Ex- 
pedition — Unprecedented March without Water — Indians — With Gen. 
Jesup— Hartford Convention — Battles on the Canadian Frontier — 
Gov. W. P. Duval (Ralph Ringwood)— United States Senators — Clay's 
Magnetism — His Duel with John Randolph — Lieut. R. F. Stockton, Unit- 
ed States Navy, Duel with English Officers at Gibraltar — John Howard 
Payne — Commodore Van Rensselaer Morgan — My Marriage — Assigned 
to Fort Smith, Ark. — Trips to Washita, Fort Gibson, and Towson — 
Choctaws and Cherokees — John Ross — Journey from Fort Smith to 
Natchez, Miss. — A Misanthrope — Gen. John A. Quitman — Death of Mrs. 
Roberts — Tender My Resignation — Go to My Plantation — Go to San An- 
tonio — Death of Mrs. French — Sail for Europe — John Brown's Raid. 

IN the early part of January, 1851, Gen. Jesup told me that 
he would have to send me to El Paso again. I suggested 
that some other officer be ordered on that duty, as I had made 
the trip once. He said that there had been no rain in Western 
Texas for over a year; that the report was the troops were out 
of provisions, and as I had been over the road and knew the 
country, I must go again; that he would not under such circum- 
stances intrust the expedition to any one else. This was com- 
plimentary, to be sure, and I pointed out the difficulties that 
would be encountered on such a long journey over a now barren 
country, destitute of water and grass; but told him I would do 
the best I could to make the expedition a success. 

Capt. Lorenzo Sitgreaves, topographical engineer, United 
States army, was in the city under orders to make a survey 
of the Gila river, and, as he had to go to El Paso, would ac- 
company the expedition. With him was Dr. S. W. Woodhouse, 
of Philadelphia, Pa. In due time we went to New York, and 
sailed for Havana, Cuba. 

In Havana at the hotel were P. T. Barnum with Miss Jennie 
Lind, James G. Bennett and wife. We remained in the city 
about a week, and then took steamer for New Orleans. Capt. 
Hartstine, of the United States navy, commanded the steamer. 
He gave Miss Jennie his stateroom on deck. I was sitting with 
Miss Jennie in her room when we entered the Mississippi river. 



108 Two Wabs. 

Soon a sweet little girl came in, and, dropping on her knees be- 
fore the songstress, said: "Miss Jennie, you promised that you 
would sing for me when we got in smooth water. Please do, 
for the winds and waves are still." And she sung "I Dreamt I 
Dwelt in Marble Halls" and "Home, Sweet Home." O how 
melodious her voice sounded to us alone there far away, where 
the waters of half a continent mingled with the ocean, and 
awakened new emotions that moistened the eye with a tear! T 
heard her sing on the stage, but I remember better her songs to 
the little girl. She asked me about the length of the Mississippi 
river, and her astonishment was great when I informed her that 
she could go all the way from where we were, if the river were 
straightened out, to her home in Stockholm. 

When we arrived at the landing in New Orleans there were 
perhaps a thousand persons present. The police appeared help- 
less. To land the ladies looked like an impossibility. How 
could they get through that crowd to the carriages^ Miss Jen- 
nie would not attempt it. After a long time Barnum's tact ac- 
complished it. The crowd had seen both Miss Jennie and Bar- 
num's (laughter on the deck when the steamer arrived. They 
were now below deek in despair. Barnum arrayed his daugh- 
ter like Miss Jennie, covering her face with a thick veil, gave 
her his arm, and met the crowd, worked his way through to a 
carriage that was covered with people, and finally got his daugh- 
ter inside, and jumped in. The carriage moved slowly on, the 
mob after it to see her get out. Then Miss Jennie was landed, and 
put in another carriage that followed. But the crowed discovered 
I lie deception, met Miss Jennie, and escorted her to her hotel. 
All this was merely a desire to see a distinguished vocalist. An 
hour or two after, we also got on shore. I have failed to tell 
you that Dr. Fisher, of Philadelphia, was one of our party. 
He was employed by me as physician to render medical services 
to the civil employees on the expedition. From New Orleans we 
took steamer to Galveston, where we were detained some days. 

How often do extremes meet! In New Orleans we had just 
listened to the sweet voice of Jennie Lind; here we were enter- 
tained by an old negro slave with music drawn out of a cheese 
box made into a banjo. He knew but one song, and as he played 
it over and over we paid him to quit instead of encouraging him 
to continue. It made me feel very sad to see the poor fellow- 



El Paso Be port. 109 

trying to please the people at the hotel with his rude banjo and 
song. What a fall from a Cremona or Stradivarius to a cheese 
box! 

From Galveston we sailed to Indianola, and thence to San An- 
tonio by stage, where we arrived February 24. 

As it will be too much trouble for me to abbreviate my re- 
port of this expedition, I will, mainly for preservation, give it 
in full: 

REPORT. 
Washington City, November 2, 1851. 

General: I have the honor to inclose to yon the accompanying report 
in relation to the late expedition to El Paso, made in compliance with the 
following order: 

Quartermaster General's Office, } 
Washington City. January 14, 1851. f 

Sir: A large supply of stores for El Paso is on the way from Baltimore 
to Indianola, Tex., as you are aware, to meet aii apprehended deficiency 
of subsistence for the troops at that post and its dependencies in New 
Mexico. This supply is to be taken to its destination in a public train. 
You are selected to take charge of and conduct it. You will proceed to 
San Antonio, and report to Maj. Babbitt for that service. On your way 
thither you will stop at New Orleans, and ascertain from Col. Hunt the 
state of the wagons which he has shipped to Indianola by orders from 
this office; and if they are not in every respect in a condition for the 
service in which they are to be employed, yon will call for whatsoever 
you may think necessary to the efficiency of the service. Should you ob- 
tain information on the route of the loss' of any of the wagons shipped re- 
cently from Philadelphia, you will take measiu-es to replace as many of 
them as you may think necessary. 

The expenses of the department are enormous, and they must, if prac- 
ticable, be reduced. You must therefore carefully avoid any expense not 
absolutely required; but at the same time, economy is not to be carried so 
far as to impair efficiency. 

Maj. Babbitt has been written to and informed that you are to organize 
a l rain under his instructions, or to aid him in organizing it, and that you 
are to have charge of it. Let that service be performed in your usual man- 
ner, and with your accustomed energy, and I am sure all will go right. 

All the operatives employed must go armed, and if. a small escort be 
necessary in addition, the commanding general I have no doubt will di- 
rect it. Let it however be as small as possible, so as not to use so large a 
portion of the supplies as are usually required for escorts. 

Collect all the information you can in regard to the country, its re- 
sources, the condition of the Indians who roam over it. what are their 
numbers, and how they can best be controlled; also whether settlements 
might not be formed on the route sufficiently strong to protect themselves 
from the Indians, and furnish supplies for emigrants and troops. 

With entire reliance on your energy, talents, and zeal, I am respectful- 
ly your obedient servant, ' 'In. S. Jesup, Quartermaster General. 

Capt. S. G. French, Assistant Quartermaster, Washington City. 

In pursuance of the above orders 1 proceeded to San Antonio, and report- 
ed for duty on the 24th of February, and commenced making preparations 



110 Two Wars. 

f j c the organization of the train. Many of the wagons required for the serv- 
ice, and all the stores, were still on the coast, and all the available means that 
Maj. Babbitt had were immediately employed in bringing them to the depot 
at San Antonio. An estimate of the number of animals that would be re- 
quired was made, and, as there were not em nigh in his possession, some three 
hundred were received by purchase, and formed into teams for the road, 
and a small train thus organized was dispatched to Indianola to hasten 
up with the subsistence. Hut little hired transportation could be pro- 
cured, for the severity of the winter had destroyed all vegetation, and 
the cattle could barely subsist. Some of the stores thus sent by the citi- 
zens from the coast were nearly or quite a montli on the road up to the 
depot at San Antonio. By the last of April most of the stores had arrived, 
the requisite number of employees had been engaged, and the loading of 
the wagons was commenced. As they received the loads, they were sent 
in small detachments to Leona, the point I had designated as the gen- 
eral rendezvous. By the 7th of May the last train left the depot, and I 
started with it for Leona. The supplies for El Paso were kept separate 
from those drawn for the escort and employees, and, in order to avoid 
the expense of transporting salt provisions for the command, I received 
from the commissary of subsistence eighty days' fresh meat, the beeves 
being driven along by men in the employ of the contractors, and furnished 
when required. As the Indians on the borders hail manifested considera- 
ble hostility during the spring, I deemed it necessary to ask of Maj. Gen. 
Harney, commanding the department, the protection of an escort. For 
this service a detachment of eighty men from the first regiment of infant- 
ry was ordered; but, as the transportation of their subsistence would in- 
cur considerable expense. 1 thought it consistent with proper economy 
and perfect safety to suggest its reduction to fifty men. The number was 
accordingly diminished, and on my reaching Fort Inge I found the escort 
there under the command of Capt. B. H. Arthur awaiting my arrival, and 
I will here express my obligations to him for the cheerful aid he always 
afforded me. 

I encamped at the rendezvous on the 11th. On the 12th the last of the 
wagons arrived, and the day following was passed in making final prep- 
arations for our departure. The entire expedition, comprising one hun- 
dred and fifty wagons (including three belonging to Maj. Backus,* Capt. 
Sitgreaves, and Lieut. Williamson, en route to New Mexico) and over one 
thousand animals, moved on the 14th. and encamped on the banks of the 
Nueces. These numbers were further increased by those of citizens avail- 
ing themselves of our protection to pass through the Indian country. 

The march was now continued without any accidents or unnecessary 
delay, until the nighl of the 23d, when we were visited by a thunderstorm. 
accompanied by such violent gusts of wind as to prostrate all our tents 
and expose us to the rain till morning. We were encamped in the valley 

*Maj. Electus Backus went to Fort Defiance, among the Navajoes, and destroyed the 
influence of their god— the dancing man— by a piece of jugglery in making a stuffed figure 
to represent their god, and by means of wires making it dance. Peace followed this ex- 
hibition by a treaty. 



El Paso Report. Ill 

of the San Pedro river, and. knowing that it was subject to sudden over- 
Hows from heavy falls of rain. I examined the ford the next day about 
noon, and could perceive only a slight rise in the water, and therefore com- 
menced crossing the baggage wagons, giving directions for the main train 
to follow soon after; but no sooner were the former completely over than 
in the space of a few minutes the waters rose several feet, thereby com- 
pletely cutting off all communication with the main train for nearly two 
days. The waters having subsided enough so as not to enter the wagon 
bodies, the stream was passed, and we continued the march again without 
interruption to the Pecos river. We found the water of this stream low; 
but an examination of the ford led me to believe that it was still too deep 
to pass over in safety, and I was obliged to cause three cylindrical iron 
rods, or wires, that had been left across the river by the contractors for the 
year previous, to be raised and secured to the shores by means of strong- 
cables, which being planked over formed a suspension bridge forty feet in 
length, over which the wagons with the stores were run by hand. About 
seventy wagons had been thus passed across, when the end of one of the 
rods that was bent at a right angle broke, and the bridge became impas- 
sable. A second examination of the river led to the discovery of a ledge 
of rocks affording a good bottom, where the rest of the wagons were 
driven across with but little difficulty. The west bank of the river having 
been gained, we resumed our journey. At the Comanche Springs we were 
overtaken by Col. J. D. Graham, U. S. army, topographical engineer, on 
his way to the Mexican Boundary Commission, who continued with us to 
El Paso. 

The disappointment arising from not having water where on former oc- 
casions it had been characterized as permanent or living, together with 
the parched-up condition of the country, caused me to move with more 
circumspection. The Lempia was found dry its entire length, excepting 
one place, that was a mile distant from the road and almost inaccessible to 
animals, and another at its source at the Painted Camp. I therefore re- 
mained at the last-mentioned place, and sent expresses ahead to look for 
water, which resulted in the discovery of a pool in a ravine twenty miles 
in advance, to which point we moved. The condensation of vapor on the 
mountain sides caused some rain to fall about ten miles farther on the 
road, where the men in advance, by digging trenches on the plain, drained 
it from the surface where it had not been absorbed, in sufficient abundance 
for all the animals. Preparations had been made in anticipation of a long 
journey without water, by filling all the water barrels and kegs at the 
Lempia. There was now but little hope of finding water short of Eagle 
Springs, sixty-five miles distant, and the weather being extremely warm, 
and the roads excessively dusty, I started at two o'clock a.m.: but, much 
to the joy of every one, a small hole containing water enough for a part 
of the advance train was found about sunrise, and two others containing 
sufficient to allow each animal a few quarts were discovered where we 
halted at noon; again about sunset some was found in a small water gul- 
ley in Providence Creek, and each animal was given a few gallons as they 
passed by and moved in advance in quest of an encamping place where 



112 Two Wars. 

there was some grazing for the animals. But the dryness of the herbage 
seemed only to increase the thirst of the poor mules, and all night they 
kept up a continued braying. At one a.m. I again started for the springs, 
still twenty-nine miles distant, halting at eleven o'clock to give the ani- 
mals all the water in the kegs and to permit them to graze. Our baggage 
wagons and the advance of the escort continued on to the springs, which, 
to the astonishment of all, were so nearly dry that the few animals with 
us scarcely got enough to slake their thirst. I immediately set some men 
to the task of digging out the springs, and dispatched a party several miles 
up the mountains to where on a former occasion a large stream was 
found running, but they returned and reported it perfectly dry. As to 
procuring water from the springs where the men were diguing, it was an 
impossibility. While thus perplexed, a thunder shower that hovered 
around a distant peak of the mountains, and then rolled up the valley, for 
a time inspired hope, but like the cloud it soon passed away. About four 
P.M. the trains arrived, and I directed them to continue the march all 
night to the Rio Grande, thirty-two miles distant. All day difficulties had 
been accumulating. In the morning an express had overtaken us, giving 
the information that some of the mules belonging to the Boundary Com- 
mission had strayed for water during the night, and they were unable to 
move from Providence ( 'reek. They could not be left there without \\ ater; 
and, lest the missing animals should not be recovered, -I caused four teams 
to remain at Eagle Springs: so that, should their animals be irrecoverably 
lost, I might give assistance to get their wagons up to the springs the next 
day, and resolved to remain in camp till two o'clock the next morning, be- 
lieving that ere then they would reach our cam]), which fortunately was 
the case. At two o'clock in the morning I left the springs, and arrived at 
the mouth of the canon* through which the valley of the Rio Grande is 
gained, about nine a.m.. and found in it near twenty wagons blocking up 
the passage, the animals exhausted for want of water and from fatigue. 
They were immediately loosed and driven to the river, eipht miles distant. 
where the main body was encamped, and 'in the evening these wagons 
were brought into camp from out the canon where they had been left. 
Thus, from not finding water at Eagle Springs, and being obliged to con- 
tinue on to the Rio Grande, the trains were forced to make a march of 
ninety-six miles in fifty-two consecutive hours, the last sixty miles hav- 
ing been made in thirty hours. These marches were as disagreeable as 
can well lie imagined, and continued to lie so to the place of destination, 
owing to the intolerable heat, the thermometer during the day in the shade 
standing at 110 degrees, and to the immense volumes of dust that rested 
on either side the road like a cloud, obscuring everything from the view, 
except when wafted away by the wind. 

We reached El Paso on the 24th of June, forty-nine days after leaving 
s.ui Antonio, during which time thirty-nine only were passed in traveling. 
The stores were all delivered in good condition; and an estimate being 
made of what would be required on the return trip. I found more salt pro- 



Pronounced canyon. 



El Paso Report. 113 

visions on hand than were necessary, and therefore caused a part of them 
lo be left at San Elizario, whereby the supplies were increased by about 
eighteen hundred rations. As soon as the stores were delivered and I 
could complete my duties, the journey homeward was commenced. We 
left El Paso on the 7th of July, and reached San Antonio on the 9th of Au- 
gust. The same difficulty in regard to water was not experienced when 
returning; for at Eagle Springs Mr. Smith, a gentleman who had charge 
of a small train of wagons, arriving there about a week after us. finding 
no water, remained there in camp while his animals were being driven to 
the Rio Grande, thirty-two miles distant, and dug out the springs to a ca- 
pacity four times greater than I had left them. I also divided the train in 
sections, marching on consecutive days, so as to let the springs fill during 
the intervals between the departure and the arrival. The marches were 
always made with a view to favor the animals, and the time of starting. 
etc., was determined by the circumstances of distance, the weather, graz- 
ing, and water. On the journey out, I generally had the animals cor- 
ralled at night for safety when there was no moon: but after the stores 
were delivered, and the main object of the expedition had been accom- 
plished, more risk could be afforded; and accordingly, from the time we 
left the Rio Grande until the arrival at San Antonio, the animals were 
herded all the time excepting when in harness. By thus giving them ev- 
ery opportunity to graze, and always traveling with a view to favoring 
them, I am pleased to state that they returned to the depot in about as 
good condition as when they started, after marching a continuous journey 
of more than two thousand miles, if the trips to the coast from the depot 
be included. The loss of animals from deaths, straying, thefts, and other- 
wise, from the rendezvous to EJ Paso and back, was two and a fraction to 
each hundred. No Indians were ever met on the route, though the guard 
at night on two occasions fired on what were supposed to be Indians. 
Often they hovered near our camp, making signal fires on the mountains. 
In regard to the country through which the route lies, you were fur- 
nished with a description in a former communication. Of course all the 
peculiar characteristics thai it has obtained from the formations remain 
the same; but every feature of productiveness and beauty, derived from 
the seasons in their annual course, is sensibly changed, and to the eye it 
presents but little thai is attractive, owing to the drought, From the Nue- 
ces to the mountains, which divide the waters that How into the Pacific 
from those that flow into the Atlantic, the whole country appears altered. 
But little rain lias fallen for near two years, and hills that before were 
clothed in verdure now are bare. Valleys that seemed to vie in fertility 
with the most favored appear sterile; and plains where two years ago the 
tall grass waved like fields of wheat now are rocky and barren. Parasit- 
ical plants hang leafless to the trees, and the mistletoe has ceased to put 
forth its buds. Where the prairie had been swept over by the fires of the 
previous summer the surface of the earth was still black and covered with 
ashes, and nothing green showed that the spring season had passed. The 
vegetation of the previous years had become so dried and withered by the 
scorching rays of the sun that it appeared eineritious, crumbling into ashes 



114 Two Wars. 

or dust when pressed in the hand or trodden on by animals. The little 
lakes that once bordered the streams were dried up, and the streams them- 
selves had often ceased to now. Even the prairie dogs had forsaken the 
central part of their town, from starvation, and inhabited the suburbs bor- 
dering on the vegetation that widely encircles them, remote from their 
former homes. It seemed as if Providence had withdrawn his protecting 
care and left the country to itself. I never before had such a nega- 
tive proof of the fertilizing properties of rain and dews. The general as- 
pect of that vast extent of country west of the Nueces is thus changed from 
what it was two years since, wheu it was an untrodden wilderness un- 
known to the white man. A general drought has prevailed, and it was 
only occasionally that green grass was found where a shower had passed 
in the spring. Notwithstanding the tide of immigration settling into the 
country, the acknowledged enterprise of our people, the rapid subjugation 
of the wild lands to useful purposes by the settlers, and the utmost protec- 
tion that may be given to the advance of all our settlements—yet such are 
the few attractions that most of that region of country, on the route west 
of the intersection of the table-lands with the Rio Grande, Northern Mex- 
ico, or perchance to the Pacific Coast, it will lie a long time before it can 
attract the attention of agriculturists, or even become a pastoral country to 
any great extent. The establishment of a mail route from San Antonio to 
El Paso may cause a small post to be established at Live Oak Creek or 
Howard's Springs, but, generally speaking, the San Felipe limits the fertile 
portions of Texas (south of the great plain) in a westerly direction. 

I have endeavored to collect some information in regard to the Indians. 
as required by your orders, and from having been on duty in Texas prin- 
cipally, since 1848, during which time I have traveled over a considerable 
portion of the country they frequent (in the south and west as far as New 
Mexico), some conclusions I have arrived at may differ from the gene rally 
received opinions in regard to them. 

Their numbers appear to have been considerably overestimated, if the 
report of men who have been among them can be relied on. and the infor- 
mation gained by Lieut. Col. Hardee in his late expedition to their coun- 
try lie correct. It is believed that the entire number, including all ages 
and the different sexes, of all the tribes that frequent the border settle- 
ments of Texas, in the Eighth Military Department, does not exceed four 
thousand. 

The respective numbers of the different bands may be set down (by 
their own computation principally) about as follows: Delawares. 68; Shaw- 
nees. 70; Tonkaways, 800; Quapas, 200; Caddoes, 160; Anadoces, 200; 
[ones, 113; Keechies, 1*: Tawacanoes, 140; Wacoes, 114; Lepans, 350; 
Lower Comanches, 700: and the Northern ( 'omanches at 1.500. These 
trilies roam over the country watered by the Red. Trinity. Brazos. Colo- 
rado. Nueces, and San Pedro rivers and their tributaries near their sources. 
The Northern Comanches have the most extensive range for the pursuit 
of the buffalo to the north of the Canadian. They traverse the entire 
country to the south, and by their ancient warpaths cross the Pecos, con- 
tinue to the Rio Grande, enter Mexico, and carry their depredations far 



El Paso Report. 115 

into the interior of that distracted country. The southern band of Co- 
manches, and all the other tribes enumerated, are found frequently asso- 
ciated together, and on the northern portions of the line near their home 
visit those posts in seeming friendship. 

That barren, dreary, and desolate region immediately west of the Pecos 
has not sufficient claims to be in possession of any Indians. The North- 
ern Comanches pass over a portion of it as they wander alternately from 
the north to the south, and the different bands into which the Apaches are 
divided approach its borders from the north and west. 

The Apaches are divided into numerous bands, and, united with other 
tribes in New Mexico, have been variously estimated at from fifteen to 
thirty thousand, the former being perhaps nearer the truth. 

The condition of all these Indians, except some few of the Delawares, is 
truly lamentable. Denied the possession of lands and a home, despising 
industry, and regarding labor as degrading, no provision is made for sub- 
sistence by the cultivation of the soil; but. depending entirely upon the 
flesh of the horse, the mule, the uncertainty of the chase, and the few wild 
products of the country, they wander about exposed to all the vicissitudes 
and every ill of life that can arise from disease, extreme exposure to cold, 
nakedness, and hunger bordering on starvation, leading an existence more 
filthy than swine, and as precarious and uncertain as the wolf: and this 
life is rendered, if it be possible, even yet more intolerable by the almost 
entire absence of laws respecting property and the rights of the individ- 
ual. Their views of property tend toward socialism, without that re- 
straint by which the strong are prevented from plundering the weak, and 
but few injuries have legal redress. However strongly their condition 
would seem to appeal to philanthropy for relief, much sympathy is lost 
in the remembrance that their code of morals inculcates many of our vices 
as their cardinal virtues, and regards our virtues as so many vices or traits 
of weakness, while their atrocious barbarities shock every sensibility of 
nature and humanity. The experience of the Jesuit fathers, other Chris- 
tian missionaries, and learned professors would almost incline us to be- 
lieve that the Indian is endowed with certain instincts, as they might be 
called, that are inherent in his nature, and not always directing him to 
good, which neither separation from his people, education from infancy, 
the attainments of academies, attractions of wealth, the refinements of so- 
ciety, nor the doctrines and precepts of Christianity can destroy; and, after 
all, he stands in nature an Indian still. Be this as it may, of one thing we 
are certain, they are thrown on our borders and violate our laws, and it 
becomes a question how best to control them, and what policy to pursue 
in our relations with them. They are now being encroached upon by set- 
tlements on the frontier that will soon encompass them on many sides. 
We are circumscribing their bounds, limiting their hunting expeditions, 
and destroying their game. And there is no checking these encroach- 
ments, for the State of Texas claims possession of all the domain within 
her boundaries, and no act of the agents of the Federal government can 
at present cede them a portion of her territory, or military force restrain 
the lawless traders established in the Indian country. Treaties may be 



116 Two Wars. 

effected with them, but they cannot stipulate to restrain citizens from set- 
tling on their hunting grounds, nor grant them many immunities. It is, 
under the present condition of affairs, vain to suppose that the most skill- 
ful combinations for military operations can check a famished, wild, and 
degraded people from committing depredations on the lonely roads and 
extended prairies, for the purpose of clothing their naked women and 
children and to satisfy the calls of hunger; and more especially so when 
these very acts are not regarded as wrong, and are the only steps by which 
the untutored brave gains distinction or renown among his people and re- 
ceives the awards due to valor. Theft with them is' no crime, but only a 
legitimate profession. In all civilized communities ambition is satisfied 
in pursuing innumerable channels of a civil nature. The Indian has but 
two, war and the chase, and they are now no longer pleasures, but made 
a burden by the stern necessities of providing subsistence. 

How to control these nomadic tribes various plans have been suggest ed. 
but all calling for legislative action, and I feel a reluctance in alluding to 
them. But I know of none more humane in the rm\ than to tt<i<-h themthe 
'power of our government, then grant them a territory, dismount them as 
far as necessary, teed and clothe them to a sufficient extent to make them 
dependent on our agents, elevate the character of their war and council 
chiefs in the estimation of their respective tribes by treating them with 
some distinction and consideration, whereby their influence over the bands 
will become greater, and they will become instrumental in carrying out 
our wishes. Encourage the cultivation of the soil, and establish a few 
plain, salutary laws for their government and for regulating the inter- 
course of the whites with them, and have them enforced by the aid of the 
military: and then, perhaps ere long, tranquillity may be known on the 
frontier where for so many years partial war has been waged. A similar 
policy might be urged from other considerations, especially to prevent the 
immense amount of claims constantly growing out of what are alleged to 
be Indian depredations, and the expense of maintaining so large a force 
remote from points where the supplies are drawn. 

Were the State of Texas to grant the Indians within her borders a defi- 
nite territory, ceding the jurisdiction thereof to the United States, so that 
the proper laws regulating the intercourse of the whites with them could 
lie established and enforced, and were they but partially clothed and fed. 
the State would have peace on the frontier, immigration to her shores would 
increase, the immense resources of the country would he developed, and 
prosperity, spreading happiness among her people, would spring up over 
her entire dominions. 

The service upon which I have been engaged has induced me to urge 
upon your consideration the propriety of recommending to the honorable 
Secretary of War the necessity for. and the advantages that would be de- 
rived from, a legislative enactment whereby a limited number of em- 
ployees could be enlisted in the service of the department for a term of 
years, subject to such rules and regulations as in such cases may be estab- 
lished by proper authority. 

When passing t hrough < ralveston I had (lie pleasure to examine the es- 



El Paso Beport. 117 

tablishrnent of Mr. G. Borden for the manufacture of meat biscuit. Two 
cans, in a crushed state, containing five pounds each, were purchased, and 
on our journey to El Paso and back it was almost constantly used; and, in 
connection with vegetables, was found an excellent article. We had no 
such object in view as to test the usefulness to any extent, but from its 
convenience and palatable qualities it naturally came into daily use. I 
gave away one can of it. which served a party of four persons, who came 
from New Mexico to San Antonio without pack animals, as a reliable de- 
pendence for food on a journey of about six hundred miles to the nearest 
settlements. They made it a substitute for animal food excepting when 
they chanced to meet game, and spoke of it in commendable terms. In 
forming a part of the ration it would commend itself, economically, in a 
degree somewhat proportionate to the diminution it would make in the 
weight of the ration; but the military advantages it would afford, where 
land transportation is difficult, and certain results are to be obtained, can- 
not be so well calculated. In many points of view it commends itself so 
favorably, as a component part of the ration for particular service, that it 
is worthy of more than a single trial. 

During the months of March and April the teams were employed in 
bringing up the supplies for the troops in the Eighth Military Department, 
and were senl on any other duty that the service required, and were not 
confined exclusively to transporting the stores destined for the troops in 
New Mexico. The provisions for the escort were conveyed from San An- 
tonio; and from the forage that I received were fed the animals belonging 
to the officers' teams, and some was issued to the train of the Boundary 
Commission in the service of Col. Graham. These and other circumstances 
connected with the general duties of the service have rendered it impossi- 
ble for me to present you with more than an approximate estimate 
of the cost per pound tor transportation to El Paso. I have embraced 
in the calculation the cost of freight of the provisions for the escort; the 
transportation of the rations for the employees of the department, and the 
\ alue thereof; the compensation for service of all persons connected with 
the train; the loss of animals; incidental expenses, etc.; and find the cost 
per pound, from the Gulf to El Paso, to lie about nineteen cents. This 
will not exceed the expenses per pound under the contract for the pre- 
vious year, but it exceeds that now paid citizens who own small trains and 
are carrying, to a limited amount, by four cents per pound. To the gov- 
ernment the forage for the animals has been a heavy item of expenditure, 
and^lthough I allowed only a third of the rations of corn, without long 
forage, yet it has, owing to the exorbitant price it commands, amounted 
to over two-fifths of the entire expense of the expedition. 

When the grazing is good small trains of twenty or thirty wagons may 
avoid the use of grain almost entirely by traveling more slowly and stop- 
ping oftener to graze; and if the department will thus risk supplies with- 
out escorts of any kind, it may, to some extent, diminish expense, but it 
will be attended with more uncertainty. 

It may be gratifying to you to learn that during the time we were ab- 
sent on the journey, with the exceptions I have mentioned, nothing of note 



118 Two Wars. 

occurred. The trains were always ready to move at the hours designated, 
and would come into camp without any of those vexatious delays caused 
by animals " giving out" from fatigue, or the breaking of wagons, or other 
accidents generally attendant on such expeditions. 

Respectfully your obedient servant, S. (i. French, 

Captain and Assistant Quartermaster. 

Maj. Gen. Thomas A. Jesun, Quartermaster General, U. S. A., Washington, D. C. 

The officers who accompanied me were Capt. B. H. Arthur, in 
command of the escort, and Col. J. D. Graham, Maj. Backus, 
Capt. Sitgreaves, Lieut. Williamson, who availed themselves of 
the protection of the expedition to go to El Paso; also my broth- 
er, John C. French, Bishop Lama, and Mr. Wright, collecting 
plants for Prof. Gray. His herbarium and large plants tilled 
three wagons. I brought several loads of cacti, embracing about 
sixty varieties. Unfortunately they were all frozen in transit 
from New York to Philadelphia, an almost irreparable loss. 

During the winter of 1851-52 I occupied a desk in Gen. Jes- 
up\s private office. The morning hours, from nine to twelve, 
were generally given to visitors calling on business or socially. 
Often were the battles of Niagara, Lundy's Lane, and Chippe- 
wa fought over again, until the hour to dine was at hand, and, 
when visitors ceased to call, the General would look over the 
morning's mail, then hand the letters to me to answer, telling 
me what reply to make to every letter. I found it very difficult 
at first to answer so many letters handed to me one after an- 
other, the answers to each verbally given me. Besides I seldom 
reached the hotel until dinner was over. 

The General used to tell me all about the war of 1812. How 
he was ordered to Hartford on some ostensible service, but really 
to watch the proceedings of the Secession Convention held at 
Hartford. Daily he reported to President Madison, as far as 
possible, what the proceedings were. They had the desire to 
secede, but were apprehensive of the consequences. 

As I have before me the proceedings of the Hartford Conven- 
tion, and an attested copy of the secret journal of that body 
published in Boston by O. Everett, 13Cornhill, 1823, I will give 
a few extracts from the journal. 

Members of the Convention. 

From Massachusetts: George Cabot, William Prescott, Harrison Gray 
Otis. Timothy Biglow. Nathaniel Dane, George Bliss, Joshua Thomas, 




John C. French. 



Secession Convention. 121 

Hodijah Bayliss. Daniel Waldo, Joseph Lyman. Samuel W. Wilde, and 
Stephen Longfellow. 

From Connecticut: Chauncey Goodrich, James Hillhouse, John Tread- 
well. Zepheniah Swift. Nathaniel Smith. Calvin Goddard, and Roger M. 
Sherman. 

From New Hampshire: Benjamin West and Miles Olcott. 

From Rhode Island: Daniel Lyman. Benjamin Hazard, and Edward 
Manton. 

George Cabot was chosen President of the Convention. 

Convention assembled December 15. 1814, and prepared rules and or- 
ders. 1. Meetings to be opened each morning with prayer. . . . 2. 
The most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by each member of the Con- 
vention, including doorkeeper, etc. . . . 

December 16, 1814, committee met, . . . opened with prayer. . . . 
Committee reported the following to be proper subjects for the considera- 
tion of the ( invention: 

The powers claimed by the Executive of the United States to determine 
conclusively in respect to calling out the militia of the States into the serv- 
ice of the United States, and dividing the United States into military dis- 
tricts with an officer of the army in each thereof, with discretionary au- 
thority from the Executive of the United States to call for the militia to 
be under the command of such officer. . . . The refusal of the Execu- 
tive of the United States to supply or pay the militia of certain States 
when called out in their defense. . . . The failure of the Government 
of the United States to provide for the common defense, . . . leaving 
the separate States to defend themselves, etc. 

December IT. 1814, met and opened with prayer. . . . ami ad- 
journed. 

Monday, L9th, met as usual. (Proceedings of no importance.) 

Tuesday. December 'JO. ami 21st, 22d, and ','8(1 as well, opened with us- 
ual prayers and adjournments. 

Saturday. December 24, 1*14. opened with prayer by Rev. Dr. Jenkins. 
. The committee appointed to prepare and report the measures as 
it may lie proper for this Convention to adopt respectfully report: 

Article 1. Complains about the unconstitutional attemptsof the Execu- 
tive Government of the United States to infringe upon the rights of the 
individual States in regard to the militia. . . . Recommends the adop- 
tion of decisive measures to protect the Stales from usurpations, etc. 

Article 2. Recommends the States to make provision for mutual de- 
fense by retaining a portion of the taxes. ... 

Article 3. Recommends certain amendments to the Constitution of the 
I uited States as follows: 

(1) That the power to declare and make war by the Congress of the 
United States he restricted. 

(2) That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restraining 
Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to make new States, and 
to admit them into the Union. 

(8) That the powers of Congress he restrained in laying embargoes and 
restrictions on commerce. 

(4) That a President shall not be elected from the same State two terms 

SI HHM'SSI V< '1 V . 

(5) That the same person shall not be elected President a second time. 



122 Two Wars. 

(6) That an amendment be proposed respecting slave representation and 
slave taxation. 

On motion it was voted that this Convention be adjourned to Monday 
afternoon at, three o'clock, then to meet at this place. 

Monday, December 26, 1814, the Convention met pursuant to adjourn- 
ment, etc. 

On the 26th, 27th, and 28th nothing of importance was done. 

On the 29th, after prayers, a proposition w:is referred to the committee 
appointed on the 21st inst. : 

That the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of trust, honor, 
or profit ought to be restrained; and that it is expedient to propose an 
amendment to the Constitution of the United States in relation to that sub- 
ject. 

But this is enough to show the drift and patriotism as they 
saw and felt it. 

One day, being late to dinner as usual, the table at Willard's 
was nearly deserted; but seeing Gen. Harney, I took a seat be- 
side him. Soon after, Gov. W. P. Duval, of Florida, came, and, 
seeing Gen. Harney, he came over and was seated between us. 
I knew he was a good raconteur, and hoped to have him relate 
some Florida stories. After he and the General had talked over 
their experiences with the Seminoles and the Florida war, I 
asked him to relate some of his adventures in early life. He 
began the story of Ralph Ringwood, with his schoolboy days, 
the imported "jack,'''' putting him in the smokehouse, the fright 
of the old negro housekeeper, Barbara, when she opened the 
door and the jack brayed, his leaving home, and so on all the 
way through as related by Washington Irving, with this differ- 
ence, that he embellished it with many more incidents. He gave 
us an am using account of his first visit to New York City. When 
he reached Washington City President Jackson invited him to 
dine with him privately. He was not familiar with regular 
courses at dinner, and came near getting nothing to eat, for while 
he would be telling a story to Jackson the servant would take 
his plate away, provisions and all, and put an empty one there. 
This occurred so often that when he was "helped" again, while 
talking to the President, he held on to his plate by holding his 
fork in it perpendicularly, pressing it down hard. The Gov- 
ernor was a very amusing story-teller, and I think he said the 
way "The Experiences of Ralph Ringwood" came to be pub- 
lished was: Being at West Point Academy, a member of the Board 
of Visitors, he was invited by Mr. Kemble, who lived on the 



Mr. Clay. 123 

shore of the Hudson opposite West Point, to dine with him, and 
there he met Irving and Spaulding and related to them his ex- 
periences in early life. 

From the time I returned from Mexico, in 1847, until 1854 I 
was retained on duty in Washington City, to be sent on such in- 
cidental service as occasion required, and 1 am happy to tell you 
that during all these years I enjoyed the confidence and respect 
of all the officers in the War Department. 

There were long periods of leisure, and I passed much of my 
time at the Capitol interested in the Congressional debates, es- 
pecially in the Senate, where, through a friend of mine, I gen- 
erally enjoyed the privilege of the seats under the gallery or on 
the floor. I have listened to Everett, the scholar; Sumner, the 
rhetorician; Choate, the lawyer; Calhoun, the metaphysician; 
Clay, the orator; W T ebster, the expounder, and all the other Sen- 
ators in their best efforts day by day, and I must declare Henry 
Clay the most eloquent and persuasive speaker of all. The glow- 
ing words fell from his lips as though they had been touched by 
a burning coal from the altar of Elijah on Mt. Carmel. The 
great natural gift of Savonarola was his. I could illustrate his 
wonderful magnetic power over men by many occurrences. 

In the Metropolitan Hotel the hall leading from the entrance 
of the office was long and wide. Seats were arranged to the wall 
on either side, and in this hall, at night, prominent persons were 
wont to assemble. An Englishman of high official position, on 
a visit to this country, had arrived in Washington and was a 
guest at the hotel. In the evening a number of Senators and 
government officials called to pay their respects to him. Now, 
without regard to the order of arrival, I will merely observe: 
When Mr. Cass entered the hall a few persons spoke to him on 
his way to the office. His card was sent up and he was shown 
to the reception room. Mr. Clayton came in and was shown up. 
Mr. Webster arrived, in buff vest aud blue coat, and a cloud on 
his brow, and on his way to the office exchanged a few words 
with some of his friends. After a while Mr. Clay came. Instant- 
ly all rose from their seats. Though the hall was filled, the crowd 
pressed around him. He had a pleasant word for every one, and 
the gracious reception he gave them was so magnetic that with 
difficulty he reached the office and parted from his friends, leav- 
them en rapport with him from sympathetic cheerfulness. When 



124 Two Wars. 

I was first introduced to Mr. Clay he said, "Ah, an edeve of 
the Military Academy, 1 suppose?" and then spoke in com- 
mendation of the school. I felt sure the shade of his son rose 
up before him, for he was educated there, and was killed on the 
battlefield of Buena Vista. I once related to Mr. Clay a story I 
had heard about James K. Polk. His reply was emphatic: "It 
cannot be true. No man with such a heart could ever have been 
President of the United States." Contrast with this Mr. Ben- 
ton's remark about Stephen A. Douglas: "He can never be 
elected President of the United States. His coat tail hangs too 
near the ground." I never heard Mr. Benton make a speech in 
favor of a measure; he was generally in opposition. If asked 
who I regarded the finest speaker in the Senate at that time, I 
would reply: "Henry Clay." I think his reply to Mr. Soule, of 
Louisiana, on the boundary of New Mexico the best speech I 
have ever heard. He was the most self-reliant man I ever knew. 
Gen. Jesup, who knew him well, told me that Mr. Clays self- 
reliance prevented him being elected President. He would frame 
a bill on an important measure, introduce it, and whip the whole 
Whig party into supporting it. Mr. Webster and other great 
men in the party disliked coercion, and their support would be 
lukewarm, when he might have had their hearty cooperation if 
he had, before presenting a bill, called them to his room, shown 
it to them to make suggestions, and asked their support in ad- 
vance, and made them feel that it was their bill as well as his. 
But no; lie was a great leader of men, and commanded them to 
follow. That is well in military affairs, but inpoliticsit creates 
jealousy where the leader is not established by law. IntheSen- 
ate. where acts are recorded, he did command: in politics the 
vote is secret, his rivals were envious and. at heart, indifferent 
to his success, and he fell from his own greatness in the strug- 
gle for the presidency. 

I recall what (Jen. Jesup told me of Clay's duel with John 
Randolph, of Roanoke. When Randolph called Clay "a being 
so brilliant and so corrupt, only to be compared, indeed, to one 
thing under the skies a heap of rotten mackerel by moonlight, 
that shines and stinks." Clay challenged him. Gen. Jesup and 
Dr. Hunt were Clay's seconds, and Gen. .James Hamilton and 
Col. Tatnell were Randolph's. Gen. Jesup carried the cartel to 
Randolph, who referred him to Hamilton. The preliminaries 



A Harmless Duel. 125 

were arranged and the parties met on the Virginia side of the 
Potomac above the bridge over the Little Falls at 4 p.m. April 
8, 1826. Randolph drove out there in his morning wrapper. 
Randolph declared that he would lire in the air, against which 
Hamilton remonstrated in vain. Without relating the particu- 
lars of Randolph's wearing gloves, and how, therefrom, his pis- 
tol was prematurely discharged, I will only observe that at the 
word Clay tired, the ball passing through Randolph's wrapper 
without touching his person; then Randolph tired in the air. 
Seeing this, Clay advanced, seized Randolph in his arms, and ex- 
claimed, "I hope, my dear sir, you are not hurt. What do I not 
owe you?" Randolph exclaimed, "Mr. Clay, you owe me a 
newvvvrapper," pointing to the rent made in it by the pistol ball. 

But what I wish more particularly to relate is that many years 
after this, when Randolph was passing through Washington on 
his way to Philadelphia, he was driven to the capitol, a sick man, 
and carried into the Senate chamber and placed on a sofa. It so 
chanced that Clay was then speaking, and Randolph exclaimed: 
1,1 Raise me up! be quick, that I may hear that matchless voice 
once more.'' What testimony to Clay's eloquence!* 

Randolph was Minister to the court of St. Petersburg. He 
died on reaching Philadelphia, and his last words were: "Re- 
morse! remorse!" 



* When 1 was stationed in Louisville, Ky., in 1S50, on one occasion Thom- 
as F. Marshall, Dr. Matthews (who was with ns in Mexico), and I were at 
the Gait House. Marshall and the Doctor became engaged in repartee. 
The Doctor was a master of wit. Marshall acknowledged defeat, and in- 
vited ns to dine with him next day at the Louisville Hotel, and we ac- 
cepted his invitation. When the morrow came the Doctor was a little re- 
luctant to go, fearing another encounter. However, at the hour Marshall 
was on hand. He was an entertaining host, and among his many anec- 
dotes he related the treatment he once received from Henry Clay. 

Marshall was opposed to Clay in sonic local political issue, and the day 
after the election many people assembled at the courthouse in Lexington to 
get the news. Clay was in the rotunda surrounded by friends when Marshall 
entered and approached thecrowd. Clay saluted him with: "Good morn- 
ing, Mr. Marshall. What is the news from Woodford County".'" Mar- 
shall answered, "We traitors have been defeated; " and instead of extend- 
ing his hand to "Tom " and saying, "O come back to the Whig fold! " he 
waved his long arm and exclaimed, "May that ever be the fate of all 
traitors! " Marshall said the repulse of his proffered friendship astonished 
him, but it was Clay's imperious way. 



126 Two Wars. 

Washington was the home of many eminent men, remarkable 
for their integrity in the administration of their duties, purity 
of character, and modest manner of living. In the army there 
was (Jen. Scott, the brave and successful soldier. He had a few 
eccentricities in regard to language. He called a lieutenant a 
"lef tenant : v a clerk, a "dark." If any one failed among us 
youngsters to not give "guard" the letter "u" long, he would 
be corrected; and as president of military boards he would as- 
sume to be recorder, and generally wrote the proceedings him- 
self. The press ridiculed him for writing " spareely settled' 1 
and " conquering a peace/ 1 and the Democratic party harped on 
his "hasty plate of soup 11 when he was nominated for the pres- 
idency; to such mean tricks will a party descend. 

There was Gen. Nathan Towson, who so gallantly captured 
the British brig Caledonia under the guns of Fort Erie, in Oc- 
tober, 1812, ever a polite gentleman; and Gen. George Gibson, 
,1. (f. Totten, and T. S. Jesup, the last twice breveted for gal- 
lant service in the battles of Chippewa and Niagara. And I 
often met Col. George Croghan, noted for gallantry in defense 
of Fort Sandusky, and of whom President Jackson said, when 
charges of intoxication were presented to him against Croghan, 
"Tear them up; Col. Croghan may drink whenever lie pleases;" 
and Col. J. B. Walbach, who was, if my memory serves me 
aright, one of the defenders of the Tuilleries when it was de- 
stroyed. 

There were, of course, many naval officers at the capital, and 
a jovial, good set of men they were. Commodore K. F. Stockton 
resigned after the explosion of the " big" gun (the Peacemaker) 
on the propeller Princeton, and soon afterwards represented the 
State of New Jersey in the Senate. Lieut. Stockton \v:is, as I 
was told the story, on the V. S. ship Delaware (in the harbor of 
Gibraltar), commanded by Commodore Pattison. Dining one 
day at a hotel on the neutral ground, among others present were 
three young English officers of the garrison and a young man, 
captain of a fine American ship. The three officers had indulged 
freely of wine, and made some offensive remarks to the young 
captain, who resented them, and I think threw his plate at their 
beads. When challenged, they refused to tight him, on the 
ground that socially he was not their equal. Stockton handed 
them his card, and exclaimed. " I will take that gentleman's 



Capt. Morgan. 127 

place; you cannot refuse to tight me." He fought all three and 
wounded them, and then challenged all the officers of the garri- 
son. When the commandant of the fortress heard of it, he called 
at once on Commodore Pattison and in a good-natured way sug- 
gested to him to get his madcap officer on board ship as soon as 
possible and make a few days' cruise, or he would have no offi- 
cers of the garrison left to command the guns. Pattison ac- 
knowledged the necessity, weighed anchor, and went seaward." 
When John Howard Payne was Consul at Tunis, in 1841, he 
incurred a debt for the repairs of a building for the consulate. 
The bey refused to pay the bill, as he had formerly done to the 
foreign Consuls. This claim had been pending since Payne's 
death, in 1842; so, in hopes of settling the matter, Capt. Van 
Rensselaer Morgan was given a good vessel and ordered by the 
Secretary of the Navy to proceed to Tunis and adjust the claim 
if possible. Selecting his officers, he sailed for the Mediterra- 
nean. One of his officers selected was skilled in international 
law, and from the state papers made out a strong case in favor of 
the United States, (apt. Morgan was a plain, unpretending 
man, possessed of much common sense. On arriving at Tunis, he 
was informed that the bey was at his country palace, a few miles 
distant. The captain procured a carriage, and took two of his 
officers with him and drove out to see his mightiness, the bey- 
a prince in rank. 

When admitted to the audience chamber, instead of making 
salaams he walked directly up to the bey and in a frank and 
friendly manner took his hand and, shaking it heartily, said: 
" How do you do, Mr. Bey, how do you do? Don't get up, Mr. 
Bey, don't get up; I will take a seat alongside of you. I hope 
you are well. How are Mrs. Bey and the children \ I hope 
they are all well. I have been a long time coming, and 1 am glad 
to see you, Mr. Bey. We have a tine ship; you must come and 
see us, Mr. Bey, do come/' The Captain, after a short inter- 
view about current events, rose to leave, and with some expres- 
sion of solicitude for the bey's health, he retired a few steps, 
when, suddenly stopping, he turned to the bey, drew from his 
pocket a large envelope, and remarked, "O, Mr. Bey, I forgot 
to hand you these papers. Here they are. Don't read them 
now; you will have plenty of time to do that before we leave." 
* 1 give this story as related to me by a naval officer. 



128 Two Wars. 

When the Captain was on his way hack to his ship, an officer 
of the court, riding furiously, overtook him, rode past, and, 
planting his horse in front of the carriage, stopped it, and, bow- 
ing, exclaimed: kk O howadji, the hey says that claim will be 
paid." * 

A few years ago I was the guest of Commodore Morgan at the 
life-saving station on Indian River, or rather on the broad At- 
lantic near Indian River inlet, and I regret that I did not think 
to ask him to tell me the story himself. 

Society in Washington in the forties was largely Southern, 
and had not lost the courtly dignity and grace of colonial days. 
It was quiet, gentle, and refined, where it is now loud, boisterous, 
and rough in a measure, from the power of suddenly accumu- 
lated wealth that dominates over all the conditions of life, social 
and industrial. On New Year's and other occasions we used to 
call on Mrs. Madison. Her face retained marks of that beauty 
that has been transmitted to canvas and adorns the East Room 
of the presidential mansion. I have seen her wearing a turban. 
^.On the 1st of April, L853, I received a letter informing me of 
the death of Joseph L. Roberts, who died on the 28th of March 
previous at his residence on his plantation nearNatchez, Miss., and 
requesting me to come there immediately, if possible. Gen. Jes- 
up, ever considerate as he was, gave me leave to visit the family. 
Mr. Roberts had been the cashier of the branch Hank of the Unit, 
ed States at Norfolk. Va., then president of the branch Bank of 
the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, and at his death was 
the agent of the latter institution. His wife was Miss Mary 
Symington, one of the beautiful women of Philadelphia. 

As I had been engaged to Miss E. Matilda, their second daugh- 
ter, we were married on the 26th of April, L853, and soon after 
we went to Washington/^. 

I remained on duty in the War Department until the spring 
of 1854. As 1 had become tired of hotel life, and wished the 
quietness of a home, I requested Gen. Jesup to assign me to 
some Western post, and he sent me to Fort Smith, Ark. 

The military reservation of Fort Smith is separated from the 
town by a street, and the dividing line between Arkansas and 
the Choctaw Nation runs through the garrison grounds. When 

*Told as related to me. 



Educated Indians. 129 

Mrs. French crossed the street and went into the town. I he 
came both the commander and the garrison, and "my right 
there was none to dispute.' 1 

My duties were lighl and were mainly receiving and forward- 
ing supplies to the troops stationed at Forts Washita and Gib 
son. Several times I went in a light carriage to Fort Washita. 
through the Choctaw people, a distance of one hundred and 
eighty miles, accompanied by only my servant boy. The ac 
commodations on the road were always clean and good and the 
people kind. On one occasion my duties required me to go from 
Washita to Foil Towson (eighty miles), on the Red river, to ex- 
amine the public buildings and sell them. Col. Braxton Bragg 
fitted me out on a mule with a hard saddle, and I started oti' 
alone. That day I rode forty miles to "the boggy" without. see- 
ing any person; rested at night with an Indian family, and rode 
the next day to Fort Towson. 1 was met there by a committee of 
Choctaws, wealthy men and well educated. One of them owned 
slaves in number sufficient to raise three hundred hales of cotton 
yearly, and "lived sumptuously everyday." They went with 
me to examine tiie buildings. It would have been folly to sell 
and destroy such property, for it would bring oothing. So I 
recommended that it he deeded to the Choctaws for an acad- 
emy, and it was given to them. 

I made a journey to Fort Gibson through the Cherokee Na- 
tion. I had been advised to stop and take breakfast with an In- 
dian family, for I would there, no doubt, see two beautiful and 
accomplished iiirls. members of the family. Report had not 
done them justice. There was only a delicate shade of Indian 
color in the white skin. They were lithe, tall, and graceful; and 
nature gave them hands as beautiful as ever Praxiteles shaped 
in marble. They had lately returned from Troy, N. V.. where 
they had been educated by Miss Willard. Pope's 

Lo the poor Iinliaii. whose untutored mind 
Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind. 

does not apply to the Choctaw and Cherokee Indians; many of 
them are well educated. I became acquainted with John Ross, 
chief of the Cherokees, in Washington, and lately sent to Mr. 
Clyde, of New York, a letter from John Ross to frame and place 
in the saloon of his steamship Cherokee. 



130 Two Wars. 

Indian blood is being rapidly diffused with the blood of the 
white man — a half-breed, quarter, and eighth. Fred Douglass 
is dead — a mulatto. Shall we credit his intelligence to the 
white blood or the negro? Suppose he had been an octoroon;! 
What then! 

Sometime during the year L855 Col. Henry Wilson made 
Fort Smith his headquarters, and with him came Lieut. J. II. 
Potter, adjutant of the Seventh Infantry, who was a classmate 
of mine. He was a jovial, good fellow, and a wound in his leg 1 
made it an excellent indicator of rain, and was used to guide us 
on hunting expeditions. Partridges were numerous, and dur- 
ing the hunting season nearly every afternoon Mrs. French and 
I in a carriage, and Lieut. Potter on his pony, would ride over 
the prairie and have rare sport. We had well-trained dogs and 
open shooting, and time passed pleasantly on. From this dream 
life I was awakened to make a visit to Natchez. Miss., on busi- 
ness connected with the estate of Mr. J. L. Roberts. In com- 
pany with a French planter on the Teche, in Louisiana, whom I 
invited to go with me, I started in an ambulance for Little 
Rock. The weather was bitterly cold, the thermometer being ten 
degrees below zero. The close of the second day brought us to 
the usual "stopping place."' but all accommodations were occupied 
by the sheriff, guards, and prisoners. The owner of the house 
told me I would have to go on to Little Rock, unless ('apt. - — , 
who lived seven miles farther on, could be induced to let us stay 
overnight with him: but that he was a misanthrope, and would 
sec no one. The gray, leaden sky. the biting wind, the snow 
that was falling in dry pellets, and the bitter cold made our sit- 
uation desperate, and induced me to try the ( aptain with a little 
adulation. 

How lonely and dreary everything was! I knocked at the 
door, I heard the bolts slide, and the door was slowly opened 
by the Captain. I introduced myself to him, and told him that 
I was informed he lived here: that, regarding him as a Mexican 
veteran. I had called to pay my respects to him; that I was pres- 
ent and witnessed the gallant fight his command made with the 
Mexican lancers at the hacienda of Buena Vista; that I never 
was so cold before in my life, excepl the night of the battle of 
Buena Vista. He was silent till I finished. He took my hand, 
and said: "Come in." He ordered the horses taken out. intro- 



Fighting Fire. 131 

duced me to his wife, and we passed a pleasant evening before 
a great blazing lire. Doubt not my word, but no one in Arkan- 
sas then believed that we entered the portals of that door. 

Learning that no steamers could reach Little Rock, we went 
to Duval's Bluff, on the White river, for a boat; got on the tirst 
one that arrived. The Captain said he was bound for Memphis, 
but would land us at the mouth of the White river to get a 
down boat. 

When near the mouth of the White river, the captain of the 
boat informed me that the wharfboat at the mouth of the river 
had been removed, and that he would carry us up the Mississippi 
until we met a down boat, and put us on that. The wind was 
blowing violently, and the river full of floating cakes of ice: 
and when we met a boat, so violent was the wind, it would not 
answer our hail to stop, and we went on up. In the midst of 
all this snow. ice. and gale the boat caught tire in the hold, and 
the flames burst up the hatchways very high. The hatches 
were soon covered with wet mattresses, steam driven into 
the hold, cotton on deck thrown overboard, and the boat land- 
ed where the bank was high and the water deep. Baggage and 
furniture were put on shore, and tires built. Holes were bored 
in the hull of the boat, but the cotton on tire could not be extin- 
guished. About dusk the captain announced that he would put 
the baggage on the boat again and run up the river three miles 
to a place where he could scuttle her in shoal water and put out 
the tire. All the passengers walked through the deep snow to 
the landing above, except one man and his wife, the French- 
man, and myself. It was not pleasant to be on the river in such 
a gale, and with the boat deck hot from the tires beneath; and 
when we did laud and made fast to a wood barge, the owner, see- 
ing we were on tire, ran out and cut our line with his ax to send 
us adrift. What a punishment the crew of the steamer gave 
him for cutting our line! 

In time a steamer going up took us on board and carried 
us to Helena. After trials innumerable, and too long to write, 
I reached Natchez safely. Nothing during the late war equaled 
this journey in the suffering 1 leave untold. I rode out to the 
residence of Gen. John A. Quitman, and asked him to go on my 
bond. He said: ""Certainly 1 will. Take dinner with us, and I 
will then go down with you." When we reached the clerk's office. 



132 Two Wars. 

he asked Mr. Inge, the clerk, what the amount would be, and I 
think he replied about one hundred and eighty thousand dollars. 
Asking for a blank bond, he signed it. and said: "Fill this out 
when necessary with any sum required.'" It was a kind act, 
and all he said was: "If you should have any trouble, let me 
know it. and I will aid you." 

^Mrs. Mary S. Roberts died April 5, L854, and it devolved on 
me to take out letters of administration on the estate. I then 
returned to Fort Smith and continued on duty there until 
March 29, when I tendered my resignation. A reply to this 
letter was as follows: 

AlUI I AN I ( '< ENERAL'S ( M'FIi K. 1 

Washington, I). <'.. April 24, 1856. s 
Sir: Your letter of the 29th ult.. tendering the resignation of your 
commissions of firsl lieutenant, Third Artillery, and captain and assist- 
ant quartermaster has been received and laid before the Secretary <>i' 
War. by whom I am instructed to say that, as your communication ap- 
pears to hare been written under an impression that your leave would 
u oi be extended, he desires that you will state, with as little delay as prac- 
ticable, it' this supposition he correct, or whether it Is \ ■ intention to 

leave the service in any event. A decision upon your letter of resigna- 
tion will lie deterred until you are heard from upon the subject. 
I am, sir. very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. Cooper, Adjutant (feneraf. 

r. I'nited States Army, Greenville, Miss. 

As I had now. among other property, a plantation ou Deer 
(reek, near Greenville, and over a hundred servants on it. I 
asked in reply that my resignation be accepted. To this letter 
1 received an answer: "Your resignation ha been accepted 
by the President of the United States' to take effect the 31s1 
inst. [May]." 

While living at Fori Smith. Ark., was born Matilda Roberts 
French, on the L6th of August, L855. 

The summer of L856 was passed mainly in Canada, and in the 
autumn we returned to the plantation. In the spring of 1857 
Mrs. French and her little girl went on a Hsit to her sister. 
Mrs. John ('. French, in San Antonio. 'IV \ . and in May fol- 
lowing I joined her there. And here a gre»1 sorrow crossed my 
path. ^ 

On the morning of June L3 Mrs. French greeted me with 
joy and hope, but ere the day was passed her life ended in thai 



Death of Mrs. Fbekch. 133 

sleep "that knows no breaking." She went to the grave for 
her baby boy, and took him with her. 0, the irony of fate! 
She, the peer of the noblest, crowned by every grace, the idol 
of. the house, the gentle mother, the handmaiden of charity, the 
priestess of religion, a believer in its promises, bowed to His 
will, and left all that makes life attractive before age or dis- 
ease or disappointment or grief or sorrow had chilled her 
heart, and left a smile on her face for weeping friends, when 
her pure spirit rose to meet her God. Her remains rest with 
her babe on her breast, beside her parents, in a vault at Laurel 
Hill Cemetery. Philadelphia. Pa., where the waters of the beau- 
tiful Schuylkill gently flow by the portals of her tomb. 

I remained in San Antonio until autumn, when I returned 
home. In March, L858, I embarked on the steamer Furopa for 
Liverpool. As I leave you my journal of travels in Europe, 1 
shall mention only some of the principal places visited. 

Most of the traveling in Italy was in private carriage, and 
only in daylight. In Naples, Home, and Florence I remained 
a month each. From London I went to Paris, Lyons, Mar- 
seilles. Toulon. Naples. Home. Florence. Pisa. Modena, Bologna, 
Mantua. Verona, Venice, Milan, Como, [sola Madre, [sola Bella. 
Simplon Pa>s. Domo-dosola, Martigny, Chamoni, Geneva, Bien- 
ne. Berne, Interlaken. Wihgen Alps, < rrindenwald, Basle. Baden- 
Baden, rim. Munich. Salzburg, Ischl. Lintz, Danube River to 
Vienna, Prague, Dresden. Berlin, Potsdam. Frankfort. Wiesba- 
den down the Rhine. Cologne, Liege, Brussels. Waterloo. Paris, 
London. Windsor Castle. Birmingham. Sheffield, Doncaster, 
Carlisle. Edinburgh, Sterling. Callander. The Trosacks, Lake 
Katrine, Dunbarton, Glasgow, Belfast. Irish Causeway, Dublin. 
Chester. Liverpool, home. 

Soon after my return from Europe I was kindly invited by 
Benjamin Gould to make him a visit in Boston. His son, IS. 
Goddard Gould, had. as I have stated, been my traveling com- 
panion for many months. Their home was in Penberton Square. 
The family was composed of charming, refined, cultured people, 
and I retain only pleasant recollections of their kindness. 

I passed the winter in San Antonio, Tex., and the summer at 
Rye Beach, N. II. This year (1859) some notable events oc- 
curred that had important bearings in shaping the history, if 
not the destiny, of the country. 



134 Two Wabs. 

Harriet Beecher Stowe's publication of an imaginative work, 
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," Hinton Helper's pamphlet called a 
manifesto, and John Brown's raid in Virginia, to raise an in- 
surrection among the slaves and to kill the whites, like distant 
thunder, presaged the coming storm. His purposes of mur- 
der were well known to many prominent abolitionists of the 
North, who assisted him by contributions to. obtain arms to 
carry out his murderous designs. The party consisted of the 
old murderer, his three sons, thirteen white men, and five ne- 
groes from the North. They obtained possession of the armory 
at Harper's Ferry October 16, killing a negro, the mayor of 
the town, and other citizens. On arrival of the United States 
troops under Col. R. E. Lee, the armory was captured. Sonic 
were killed in the assault, and the remainder taken prisoners. 
These were tried and hung. 

This infamous outrage on the State of Virginia, instead of 
being condemned by the people of the North, won their admira- 
tion, sympathy, and love for John Brown, and by some he is 
compared to our Saviour, and "his soul is still marching on," 
without peace or rest, like the wandering Jew — on, on — a pun- 
ishment for his crimes. These events induced an uncalled for 
and unjust feeling of hatred toward the South, and the inten- 
sity of this hatred is most significantly displayed in the apothe- 
osis of this murderer, and the consecration of his crimes. Could 
this be otherwise than a warning to the Southern people? The 
statutes made by the Northern States for the abolition of slav- 
ery never set free a living slave. They emancipated only the 
unborn. Now you can comprehend the difference between ab- 
olition and emancipation. 

After the war began many unusual expedients were resorted 
to designed to increase the wild frenzy of the people North. 
Among them was the spectacle of Henry Ward Beecher selling 
slaves from the pulpit stage of his Plymouth Church, Brooklyn. 
So noted was this exhibition that it is related as one of the 
eight notable events of the nineteenth century. I attribute this 
act of his to heredity. 



I 



CHAPTER X. 

Canada, Boston. Rye Beach— Antislavery Party Nominates Lincoln for 
President— His Election Evidence of Hostility to the South— Mississippi 
Secedes— Gov. Pettus— Appointed.Colonel and Chief of Ordnance in the 
Army of the State of Mississippi— State Had No Arms— Governor Sends 
an Agent to Europe to Purchase Arms— Laboratory for Making Am- 
munition—Flannel and Paper to Make Cartridges-Cartridges and 
Horse Collars— Only Old- Flint Muskets— Old Shotguns— Governor Ob- 
jects to the State Troops Going out of the State— Visit Home— Am Of- 
fered the Appointment of Brigadier General, Confederate States of 
America. 

SPENT the summer of 1860 at Rye Beach, Boston, and in 
Canada. When I returned I found the animosity between 
the two great political parties very bitter. Slavery, for the 
first time in the history of the United States, had consolidated 
all the "isnjs" and all parties against the South, and nominated 
Abraham Lincoln for the presidency, save only the Democratic 
party, and that was divided. On my journey home I found in- 
tense excitement all the way on account of a sectional nomina- 
tion for President, and the election of Lincoln was deemed an 
open declaration of hostility to the people of the South, and 
drove them to the act of secession. And the people of Missis- 
sippi, in convention assembled, repealed all the laws and ordi- 
nances by which she became a member of the Federal Union, 
and on January 9, 1861, she was a sovereign and independent 
State. 

^About the middle of February I received a verbal message 
from the Governor, J. J. Pettus, that he wished to see me, and 
soon after 1 went to Jackson. The Governor informed me that 
I had been appointed a lieutenant colonel and chief of ordnance 
in the army of the State of Mississippi on February 12, 1861. 

On assuming the duties of the office I found the State desti- 
tute of all military supplies and without arms. Investigation 
showed that a mercantile firm in New Orleans had offered, im- 
mediately after the act of secession, to furnish arms from En- 
gland or Belgium, but it was declined. 

Weeks after, the Governor sent an agent to Europe to pur- 
chase arms, but it was too late to get any in England: but in 



136 Two Wars. 

Belgium he obtained some muskets, and shipped them on a ves- 
sel thai reached the mouth of the Mississippi river just :i> the 
blockading ships arrived there. Discovering the blockade, the 
vessel bore away for Havana, and stored the arms there. From 
Havana they were afterwards brought over and landed in small 
quantities. 1 buill a powder house, and asked permission to go 
to St. Louis and purchase powder, and it was refused on the 
ground or belief that I would be arrested there, and that be, the 
Governor, would have to arrest a person as a hostage in my 
place. Afterwards I wrote to a friend in St. Louis, and ob- 
tained two hundred kegs ( 1 think that was the Dumber I of pow- 
der and tifty-four sets of artillery harness, and this was done 
after the town of Cairo. III., was garrisoned by Gen. Grant. 

I purchased - 1\ ry yard of flannel that could he obtained in New 
Orleans. Natchez. Vicksburg, and other towns for artillery car- 
tridges, and all the paper suitable for making cartridges for 
small arms, even including wall paper, and could not get enough. 
I was offered by a person whom I knew in Philadelphia a ma- 
chine for molding lead balls with die for all caliber of small 
arms ( made for the Governor General of Cuba) for a moderate 
sum. but the Governor disapproved of getting it. Then I made ar- 
rangements to have one thousand large Colt's pistols with hols- 
ters, etc.. sent me from Philadelphia. Twenty thousand dollars in 
the treasury was placed to the order of the express agent in 
-Jackson, payable to him on delivery of the goods. He suc- 
ceeded in getting them as far as Baltimore, and there they were 
seized or stopped. This was in April. 

When all arrangements were made for putting up ammuni- 
tion, the Confederate government could not send me a person 
that had ever seen a cartridge made, and I had to teach the 
women how they were put up. The same was true of artillery 
ammunition. The <>miiis were cast in Richmond, Ya.. but the 
carriages were made in Jackson. In making artillery harness 
difficulty was experienced in procuring leather, and not one per- 
son could he found in the State that had ever made a leather 
horse collar, so dependent were the people of the South for mosl 
of the manufactured articles in common use. 

As for arms for the infantry and cavalry, we literally had none 
tit for use. The flintlock muskets found in the arsenal at Baton 
Rouge, I shipped from time to time to my merchant, Walter Cox, 



A Wonderful Collection. 137 

in New Orleans, who employed a gunsmith to alter them to per- 
cussion lock; and caps for the guns came in small quantities 
smuggled over the line from Tennessee. However, as fast an 
possible the organized companies were supplied with arm- such 
as we had and very good ammunition, and went to their home- 
to await orders. 

When the supply of arms was exhausted I was directed by the 
Army Board to issue an order for the purchase of shotguns, with 
which the Governor was bent on arming the troops, lie would 
••o* nights" come to my room and tell me longyarns about how 
hi- father, or grandfather, once with a party armed with shot- 
guns loaded with buckshot waylaid a hand of Indians, and killed 
them all. Elated with this legendary story, he wanted his army 
to he supplied with shotguns, so that he might annihilate the 
pestiferous Yankee-, should they invade his domain. (Jens. Al- 
corn. Dahlgreen, and OTarrel were to superintend the collection 
of these deadly shotguns in their respective departments, and I 
was ordered to write out instructions for their guidance. Now. 
lest we should he burdened with a lot of worthless arms, they 
were informed that it was not expected they would purchase the 
costly shotguns at high figures, nor were they to buy guns made 
of "two-penny skip iron." nor "sham-dam barrels," cast-iron 

barrels, etc. 

Alas', when these guns began to arrive the god of war never 
beheld such a wonderful collection of antique weapons as came 
in for the Governor. There were guns with only a vent, to lie 
tired with a live coal, guns without ramrods, barrels without 
stocks, stocks without barrels. <>-uiis without cocks, cocks with- 
out pans. One gun, I remember, consisted of a barrel that 
flared out at the muzzle like a bell nailed on a crooked cypress 
rail, without cock, having only a pan ami vent, requiring one 
man to hold it and another to "touch it off." It was a valuable 
collection for an antiquarian, but useless in war. 1 am particu- 
lar in describing this remarkable collection of arms, because I 
never saw any of the arms sent South by Secretary J. B. Floyd. 
and I don't want any Northern writer to accuse him of having 
sent these shotguns privately to aid •'rebellion." A private and 
confidential report of all the arms found in the various arsenals, 
and all arms in the possession of the Confederate States, was sent 
me by the Chief of Ordnance of the Confederate srovernment. 



138 Two Wars. 

It showed a beggarly array of trash not unlike Pettus's collec- 
tion turned over for me to issue to his troops, to ambush the 
Yankees should they invade his territory. 

T must here, as a contribution to war history, say a few words 
about the Governor's <j>uin<l strategy. Several companies of 
Mississippi troops crossed out of his State, and went to the 
front in Tennessee, and were received by the Confederate army 
then with (Jen. (i. J. Pillow to hold the enemy in check. For 
some offense a few of them were put in the guardhouse. They 
made their escape, and came to Jackson. The Governor, Wiley 
P. Harris, and myself were in his office, when two long-haired 
men came in, and asked for his excellency. **I am the Gov- 
ernor," was the reply. They told him how they had been put 
in the guardhouse, etc. and his reply was: "Go back to your 
company, and tell (Jen. Pillow that, notwithstanding you have 
been mustered into the Confederate service, you are by fiction 
of law supposed to be in the State of Mississippi, and still in my 
command, and not subject to his orders," etc. 

On another occasion Capt. Manlove had organized a company, 
and by purchase or otherwise had armed it with the Mississippi 
rifles. When the Governor learned that they contemplated go- 
ing to Richmond, he told me to issue an order requiring them 
to turn in their arms. ('apt. Manlove came over to see me about 
it. He was informed that it was an order of the Governor, and 
would have to be obeyed. After dinner he asked me privately 
what I would do if I were in his place. 1 told him I could not 
advise him. yet he could go home at once, muster his company, 
get on the night train, and in the morning be beyond his juris- 
diction. He did this; but when the Governor learned that they 
had passed through the city during the night, he telegraphed 
Gen. Charles (Mark, at Iuka, to stop the company and disarm 
them, which he refused to do. Capt. Sweet had an artillery 
company in Vicksburg with four guns, horses, and ammunition. 
complete for the field. He came over to see me lest his guns lie 
taken, and in a few days after he was reported to be in Tennes- 
see in front of the enemy. And so very properly the army of 
Mississippi became less and less, by the troops themselves going 
quietly to the front or by his sending or loaning troops for Pen- 
sacola and Tennessee, etc. I have no desire to make any reflec- 
tions on the Governor, except to point out how his war policy 



Appointed Brigadier General. 139 

would have been ruinous to the Confederate cause, had he been 
permitted to invite the enemy to invade the '"sacred soil of Mis- 
sissippi" to gratify his desire to ambush them and kill them 
with shotguns. This opportunity was afforded him in L863. 

By the latter part of August most of the Mississippi troops 
were in the Confederate army, and I had worked up and issued 
all the war material that could be obtained, and was comparative- 
ly idle. 
C. In October 1 made a visit home in Greenville, and one night 
the servant came in with the mail. I opened the letters and read 
them, but among them was a yellow envelope from Greenville 
that 1 did not open, supposing it to be a bill, and turned my atten- 
tion to the papers. When mother and sister rose to retire, I opened 
this envelope, and behold! it was a dispatch from the President, 
saying: "Will you accept an appointment of brigadier general? 
Answer. 1 ' And the question then was, what should I do { Should 
I raise a company of cavalry or accept this appointment? They 
advised me to accept. Ten days after, 1 telegraphed the Presi- 
dent accepting the appointment. During that time I was in 
Jackson closing 1 my ordnance accounts. Why I did not accept 
the appointment at once I cannot understand now, unless it was 
so unexpected that I took time to reflect the matter over. The 
date of the appointment was October 28, 1861. I had been ap- 
pointed a major of artillery in the regidar army of the Confed- 
eracy April 2, 1861. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Leave for Richmond — Ordered to Evansport, Va., to Blockade the Poto- 
mac—Worthless Ammunition — Forces on the Maryland Shore— Con- 
stant Firing All Winter — Orders to Fall Hack to Fredericksburg — "Come 
to Richmond Immediately" — Orders from Gen. Lee — New Berne Falls 
— Relieve Branch at Kinston— Ordered t<> Wilmington — Build De- 
fenses — Fort Fisher Constructed — Col. William Lamb in Command 
Running the Blockade Whitworth Guns July 17. 1862, Placed in Com 
mand of the Department of North Carolina and Southern Virginia 
Defend a Line from the Appomattox to (ape Fear — July 31, Shell Gen. 
McClellan's Army — Constructed Defenses of Petersburg Battle of Fred 
ericksburg — Pelham President Calls for Me Gen. Lee's Considerate 
Conduct Gen. Foster at Tarboro. N. C. — He Interviews an Old Dai'ky 

Railroad Bridge a1 Goldsboro, N. ('.. Burned Weak Defense Made 
How I Got Supplies from Suffolk -Mrs. Johnston and Gen. Viele Was 
Fannie Cooper a Spy: Martial Law Sidney Lanier — Flag of Truce 
Boats -Exchange of Prisoners 

IN obedience to orders received, I went to Richmond in No 
vember. I called on the President, and then reported to the 
War Department for duty. Secretary Benjamin told me thai 
he would put me on duty at Norfolk; hut for some reason, when 
the order came. I was directed to relieve Gen. Trimble and take 
command of the troops at Evansport and the batteries there, 
and blockade the Potomac river to prevent communications with 
Washington City by water. 

An earthwork at the mouth of the Quantico had been con 
structed, .and contained nine or ten nine-inch Dahlgren guns. 
To these I added five or six heavy guns. These latter guns 
were far apart, .and mounted in circular pits sunk in the earth. 
Thus isolated, they commanded the river afar, both up and 
down, and no concentrated tire could he made on them all at the 
same time. One was a large English Armstrong rifled gun. The 
infantry force was composed of the regiments of Cols. Brockin- 
brough, Virginia; J, J. Pettigrew, North Carolina; W. B. Bate, 
Tennessee; Col. J. J. Judge, Alabama; Col. Thomas. Georgia; 
Walker. Arkansas; Fairan. Arkansas; Bronough 1 s battalion, 
Arkansas: Col. Snow den Andrews's battery of Held artillery. 
Maryland; and Capt. Swann's company of cavalry, (apt. Cha- 
tard, ('apt. McCorkle, Lieuts. Simms and Wood. ('. S. navy, 
were given command of some of the land batteries ' and the 




liSON I >AVIi 



Ordered to New Berne. 143 

steamer Page. On the Maryland shore opposite us were the 
brigades of Gens. Hooker and Sickles, and some water batteries 
of Parrott guns: and above several ships of war were blockaded, 
and below such ships of war as came up from time to time. 
With this force the river was closed to navigation; and as Lord 
Lyons, the British minister, remarked in one of his dispatches, 
'• Washington is the only city in the United States that is really 
blockaded." 

The ammunition found in the magazine for the large guns 
was very indifferent. The powder was a mixture of blasting 
with rifle powder. Sometimes the Armstrong gun. at the same 
elevation, would not throw a shell more than halfway across 
the river: then again far over the river. 

During the whole winter, notwithstanding a great deal of 
shelling from the steamers below us and the opposite batteries, 
nothing of importance occurred. It was only the thunder of 
big guns. 

1 think it was on the 5th of March that I received, confiden- 
tially, verbal orders to remove all stores to Fredericksburg, and 
to be prepared to fall back on the 8th inst. All property was re- 
moved except the heavy guns. Some of them were thrown into 
the Potomac, and the remainder spiked and the carriages de- 
stroyed. On the 8th the troops in my command were on the 
road to Fredericksburg. On the night of the Loth a telegram 
was handed me. saying: "Come to Richmond immediately." I 
reached that city early next day. (ailing on the President, he 
told me that 1 must go at once to New Berne, N. C, and relieve 
Gen. L. O. B. Branch, take command of the forces there, and 
call at Gen. K. E. Lee's ofHce for instructions. I found (Jen. 
Lee at his home, and he said: " I want you to go to New Berne, 
and drive Burnside away from there when he attacks the place. 
When can you go?" I said by the first train, requesting him to 
have my staff and horses sent me as soon as possible. The train 
was to leave in the afternoon. Next came a message from the 
President, telling me that he wished me to call at once. I 
did so, and he then informed me that he had just received a dis- 
patch that New Berne had fallen, but that I must go down and 
assume command. 

I found Gen. Branch at Kinston. He received me very cor- 
dially, and offered to aid me. I disliked to hand him the orders. 



U4 Two Wars. 

because they were written before they knew the battle had been 
fought. I made an inspection of the troops, and found them 
cheerful and seemingly not at all discouraged by their defeat. 
This was on the 17th. On the 20th I received a dispatch order- 
ing nie to Wilmington, as there was some apprehension of that 
place being attacked, and I went there without delay. Gen. Jo- 
seph R. Anderson succeeded to the command at Kinston. 

On arriving at Wilmington, the first duty was the immediate 
examination of the defenses at the mouth of the ( Jape Fear river. 
Fort Caswell was in fair condition for defense, and any vessels 
passing it would meet river obstructions while under short range 
of the guns. Fort Fisher was a small unfinished work, consist- 
ing of a casemate battery fronting tJu. <><■■ an. and a line of works, 
nearly at right angles with this, that ran hack inland. This latter 
line constituted the land seaside defense, while the guns also 
commanded the channel and the entrance thereto. This face I 
continued inland to the edge of the marsh, making it perhaps a 
third of a mile in length. From my assuming command in March 
untilj was ordered to Petersburg in duly I gave this fort much 
care, and kept a large force at work. Commencing at the right 
of the casemate battery, 1 caused a line of revetment to he put up. 
extending parallel with the ocean, a distance of perhaps half 
a mih': knowing the winds would blow the sands up and make a 
glacis in front : and so the windstorms blew thousands of tons of 
-and. forming a smooth slope to the seashore. From this front 
we constructed a line hack to the marsh, and thence up to the 
line running back from the casemate. It was an enormous work, 
and Its garrison should not have been le>s than three thousand 
men. Outside the sea front, near the ocean. 1 sunk a pit. as 
dee]) as admissible, and mounted the largest of the Tredegar 
o'uns. that swept the horizon in every direction. 

Maj. Kendriek was in command of Foil Fisher for some time. 
I believe it was at his own request that he was relieved, and I put 
Col. William Land) in command in his place, and he remained 
there until it was captured, January L5, 1865. I mention this 
because it is a part of the history of the fort. 

There were many incidents connected with Fort Fisher whilst 
in my command at Wilmington. 1 had constructed a telegraph 
from Wilmington to Fort Fisher. One morning early 1 received 
a telegram stating that a •• blockade steamer v had been run ashore 



Unloading a Blockader. 145 

near the fort, designedly, because she was tired on by the blockad- 
ing ships and had much powder on board, and that a messenger 
had reached the fort, asking the commander to sink his steamer to 
sur, tht powder, and asking me for orders. However, before he 
got my reply to "not tire a shot at the steamer, 11 a shot was 
tired at her from Fort Fisher, and, striking below the water line, 
she gradually tilled. All the shells of the enemy fell short. We 
took charge of the abandoned steamer, and sent two lines from 
her to the shore, and with the labor of two hundred men removed 
all the cargo to the depth of six feet in the wafer. The brandy, 
whisky, ale, powder, medicines, and above all six Whitworth 
held guns, were landed. Two of these guns were kept at Fort 
Fisher. As their range was about six miles, I instructed Col. 
Lamb to select good men for them, and practice with them in- 
land, so as not to let the enemy know the range. When this 
was done, one bright day when all was quiet, and the lazy 
blockaders were lying at anchor about three miles off the fort, 
these two guns opened on them, creating a lively scene. Black 
smoke began to stream up from the smokestacks of the 
steamers; sails were thrown to the wind from the ships in all 
haste, and the squadron went seaward. When they returned, 
they anchored out of range, and from this time on I requested 
all blockade runners (steamers) on arriving to make the mouth 
of the channel at dawn and run in by daylight out of reach of 
the enemy's guns. 

Soon after this another steamer came in from Nassau, and 
Capt. McCorkle, of the navy, and I got into a yawl with two 
sailors and went out to meet her. We found a young ' ' my lord " 
from England, who had run the blockade to carry a "free lance" 
and have some "fun" with the Yankees. He had been pent up 
on shipboard and was full of life, and asked us to take him ashore 
in our boat. When we shoved off, he insisted on taking one of 
the oars for mere relief to the exuberance of life. We had 
almost three miles to row, and McCorkle, as boatswain, man- 
aged the rudder so as to give him an opportunity to display his 
strength. When he began to weaken, McCorkle would cry out, 
"Give way, my lord," to encourage him. When we reached 
camp, he was not so restless; but he was a jolly good fellow, and 
I hope he had an opportunity given him to gratify his inclina- 
tion to tight. 
10 



146 Two Wars. 

Mv volunteer aid, Baker, was given a month's leave. He ob- 
tained a small boat and loaded her with nine bales of cotton, 
and. with only a small boy to tend the jib sail, put out for Nas- 
sau, reached port safely, and sold the boat and cargo. He re- 
turned on a vessel that ran the blockade at Charleston, and 
brought me a " pith" India hat, gloves, kid gaiter shoes, and 
other acceptable articles. With him on the steamer came a dis- 
tinguished officer, carrying a saber as large as the sword of Wal- 
lace, who was "spoiling" for a tight, as he expressed it at a (tin- 
ner given him by*some of the officers in Charleston. He was a 
genuine, good soldier, entered our service, and often distinguished 
himself while chief of staff for Gen. J. E. B. Stuart. 

I was kept very busy during my stay in Wilmington in con- 
structing defensive works. I fortified tJu city of Wilmington; 
put up. or mounted, isolated guns on the bluff banks of the riv- 
er, and otherwise defended the city from the approach from 
seaward. 

And now were "fought the tights" around Richmond, and I 
was down here digging dirt without much honor or renown, and 
when they terminated an order came. July IT. placing me in 
command of the Department of North Carolina and Southern 
Virginia. Gen. W . II. C. Whiting was given the command of 
the defenses of Wilmington, and I was requested to name cer- 
tain counties around the city to give him a separate command. 
He continued there until Fort Fisher was captured, as stated, on 
January 15, 1865. Although it was subjected to a terrific bom- 
bardment, the report shows that out of forty-seven heavy mount- 
ed guns twenty-five of them and their carriages were serviceable 
when captured. How difficult it is to destroy sand forts! 

Fort Sumter, with its walls crumbled into dust by four years 
of bombardment, never was captured, and its defense stands 
alone, unparalleled in the history of the world, and before which 
all others pale. See Jollification Order, Vol. L., No. lo<>. page' 
114:3, "War Records." when information was sent to the United 
States troops that the Confederates had left the fort. 

Occasionally some war steamers would conic Dear enough to 

throw shells into Fort Fisher, but they did very little damage. 

The main annoyance was the reports given out that every large 

naval expedition was designed for Wilmington. On one of these 

occasions a company of volunteers, mainly lawyers <ni<l tin like, 



Constructing Defenses. 147 

most elegant men, arrived in Wilmington from Fayetteville and 
tendered their services to defend Fort Fisher. Although I had 
learned the destination of the fleet was not the Cape Fear river, 
1 accepted their services, sent them to Fort Fisher, and put them 
to work with wheelbarrows and shovels to build ramparts. It 
went hard with them at first, hut after a while they considered 
it as being a rather good offer too prolonged. Their complexions 
were soon tanned, their hands blistered. They, however, made 
the time pass away merrily, "worked hard, slept well, improved in 
health, and when their time expired Capt. Devereux and his com- 
panions thanked me for the opportunity given them to tight for 
the cause, and making the fort impregnable, as they expressed 
it. They enjoyed working because they were men of character. 

The battles around Richmond had been fought, and Gen. Mc- 
Clellan driven to seek shelter at Harrison's Landing, on the 
James river, under cover of the heavy guns of the navy. Gen. 
R. E. Lee's army rested around Richmond. My line of defense 
commenced on the James near Drewry's Bluff, thence down 
the James, down the Blackwater. thence on to the mouth of the 
Cape Fear river, over three hundred miles in length, with the 
enemy at intervals along the front at Norfolk, Suffolk, Wash- 
ington, Plymouth, New Berne, and other places, constantly 
threatening and making raids. It was imposing on me unceas- 
ing labor and a grave responsibility; and I will here remark, 
once for all, that during my command of this department, al- 
though Smith, Hill, and Longstreet were temporarily in com- 
mand, at intervals, they did not remain in the department any 
length of time, or interfere with the defense. 

Sometime toward the last of July Gen. D. H. Hill, who had 
no command, came over from Richmond, and as no defensive 
works had been constructed for Petersburg, the matter was men- 
tioned, and it resulted in our riding out and selecting a point on 
the Appomattox river to start from; and we determined on the 
line to the City Point railroad, thence on by the farms of Hare, 
Friends, and Dunns. And as I may not refer to it again, I will 
state I went to work with my troops, and, staking out the line, 
constructed the entire works around tin city, crossing the Jeru- 
salem pike and on to the lead works on the P. and W. railroad. 
It took one year to build this line, and it served a good purpose 
in the end, and gave one year of life to the Confederacy. 



148 Two Wars. 

On the evening of July 28 (Ten. Hill handed me a letter from 
Gen. Lee stating that he would send over to Petersburg the next 
day Gen. W. D. Pendleton, his chief of artillery, with six bat- 
teries. To these other batteries could he added as desired, the 
whole to go down to Coggins\s Point, on the James, and attack, 
at night, the shipping and camp of the Federal army at Harri- 
son's Landing, on the opposite shore; and that I should command 
the expedition, etc. Accordingly I increased the number of 
guns to seventy-live, and designated Gen. Daniel's brigade as the 
escort. We started on the morning of the 30th, intending to 
make the attack that night. The forces were halted in the woods. 
1 then rode down with Gen. Pendleton to the dwelling of Mr. 
RufHn, on the river, to reconnoiter the grounds and select posi- 
tions for the guns. At Ruffin's I took off my coat, put on a 
si raw hat, hoisted an umbrella, and in the seeming garb of a 
farmer examined the shore, rode down to the river and watered 
my horse near a war steamer. After going down a half mile I 
returned. It was then growing late, and we started back. To 
my astonishment, in the darkness, I met the artillery moving 
toward the river. As not one captain had any idea of the ground, 
every gun was ordered back, and such trouble to encamp, by 
reason of the intense darkness, seldom occurs. Gen. Hill, who 
was in camp, said we would "be <//'*<■<>,; ,-< d next 'A///," and he 
returned to Petersburg. The next morning the captains of the 
batteries were instructed to go through the clover tields to the 
river bank and select positions for their guns. This was done 
without attracting the notice of the enemy, or the hundreds of 
vessels in the stream. 

As the day closed a drizzling mist made the darkness thick. 
Like the interior of the Mammoth Cave, it could be felt, but not 
seen. However forty-five guns were put in position, exclusive 
of the two long Parrott guns captured at Manassas. Amidst 
such darkness what a beautiful sight was before us! Ten thousand 
lights from the shipping and the camp shone the brighter from 
some reflection of the darkness that should have obscured them. 
At midnight the battery on the right was to open tire, to be fol- 
lowed in quick succession along the line, and in a minute it was 
a continuous tire. Soon the lights were all extinguished, save 
one or two on some lone craft in the river. When the tiring 
commenced all the monitors and other war vessels moved up the 



A Night Attack. 149 

river to meet the ironclad built in Richmond that was reported 
to be ready to come down the river, and so we were not subjected 
to any fire except from one gunboat, and from some Whitworth 
guns that sent bolts, whistling like birds, high over our heads. 
As the day dawned the guns were withdrawn and we returned 
to Petersburg. The report of Gen. Pendleton and my own can 
be found in the war records. There were no casualties on our 
side. It was real amusement. 

Officers of the Union army, years after, gave me accounts of 
the wild confusion in their camps. Unexpected as a midnight 
earthquake it burst upon the slumbering army. Horses and mules 
broke loose and ran all righted over the grounds, stumbling over 
tent cords. Captains shouted everywhere for men to fall in 
line. The blue was here and there mingled with midnight sum- 
mer's sleeping uniforms of white indescribables, airy and cool, 
that w r ere seen only by the light of bursting shells. Gen. Alfred 
Pleasanton told me he could find nothing in his tent to put on, 
except now and then by the light of the shells, and my good 
friend, Gen. Kufus Ingalls, in the first letter he w-rote me after 
the surrender, said: "You don't know, dear Sam, how near you 
came killing me that night, which, had it happened, would have 
been a great sorrow to you." I was informed that a war cor- 
respondent wrote a letter severely criticising Gen. McClellan's 
inability with eighty thousand men to offer any resistance to this 
attack, that was successfully used, with other charges, by his 
enemies to have him relieved from command of the Army of the 
Potomac. McClellan, perhaps mortified that his position w r as 
shelled without being able to make any defense, treated the mat- 
ter very lightly in his reports. He had not taken the precau- 
tion to place any guns on the river bank, and the intense dark- 
ness prevented moving artillery through his camp. Besides, he 
could not use guns, as the ships and vessels of every kind lined 
the river shore and were in the way. 

Gen. Lee directed me to have my scouts w r atch McClellan's 
movements closely, especially movements of the shipping down 
the James. In time I reported the departure of the transports, 
and the crossing of the Chickahominy with the infantry. Soon 
after followed the battles of Cedar Run, August 9; the second Ma- 
nassas, September 2, where Pope met his reward; then Freder- 
icksburg, December 13, where the vain Burnside was defeated. 



150 Two Wars. 

There is an incident connected with this lust battle that I will 
here relate, although it lias been published in a magazine called 
the Confederal Veteran. The Federal army had crossed the 
Rappahannock river and formed in line of battle to attack the 
Confederate army on the heights beyond. Maj. Pelhani com- 
manded a battery belonging to Stuart's cavalry, away on our 
right flank, in age a youth, in character a hero. When the Fed- 
eral line commenced to advance, in full view of friends and foe, 
in the silence that often precedes a great battle, Pelham, with a 
piece of artillery, dashed forward between the two armies, halt- 
ed, a pun of smoke, a shell burst over the Federal line, and in 
a moment the tire of twenty batteries centered on that lone gun; 
and there, amidst shrieking shot and bursting shell, flame and 
smoke, that detachment of Frenchmen worked their gun and 
stayed the battle near an hour, all the while singing the "Mar- 
seillaise 1 which was now and then heard for a moment, borne 
by the fitful breeze, in the break of an almost continuous roar 
of artillery. France and glory evermore abides in the hearts of 
Frenchmen. Macaulay, in his lays of ancient Rome, tells in 
song the story of Horatius and his two friends defending the 
bridge over old Tiber against the hosts of Lars Porsena, and 
here is a deed of modern date that rivals that of old, and some 
day it will be a theme of inspiration for a poet. A boy, one 
gun, eight Frenchmen holding in check so long eighty thousand 
men ! 

Sometime in November, I think it was, I received a dispatch 
from the President to come over to Richmond. On calling at 
the President's house 1 found Gen. Lee there. The General 
asked me what was the least number of troops I would require, 
tor a short time, to hold my line. Reflecting awhile, I said 
about six thousand. His reply was: "That is reasonable. When 
you return order all above that number to report to me." Now 
1 write this as an illustration of the delicate consideration Gen. 
Lee had for the officers under him. He could have ordered from 
the department such troops as he desired, without seeing me. but 
lie was ever a gentleman, and considerate to every one. 

I have not the date, my papers having been turned over to my 
successor, but it was during the winter of 1862-63 that Gen. 
Foster made a raid from New T Berne up to near Tarboro, N. C, 
and as soon as I could ascertain his designs and objective point 



Foster's Eaid. 151 

I began to concentrate troops to meet him. I assembled about 
eight thousand troops at Tarboro. Foster was at a village about 
twelve miles distant. During the afternoon he marched on one 
road toward Tarboro, and I moved on another to meet him, and 
on the road that he was reported to be on. When night came 
we were near each other on different roads, and preparations 
were made for battle. In the morning Foster was far away on 
his road to New Berne. It was cold, and snow covered the 
ground, and pursuit was useless except by cavalry. There was 
brought to me an old negro slave who was with Foster during 
that night, and the following was his story: 

Well, master. I will tell you how it was. You see I was goiug from 
Tarboro out on that road unbeknownst that the Yankees was there. Well, 
for sure, some of dem Yankees on horseback cried, "Stop dar," and asked 
me, "Where you live, and where you goin'?" I told how it was, and 
they said, "Come along, old man," and they took me to theginneral. He 
was in a house sitting on a sofa, and he says to me, "Are you from Tar- 
boro? " and I said, "Yes, master: " and then he says, "Take a seat here." 
So I sot down just this way. He was on this side of me, and I was, as it 
might be, on tother side of him. He looked kind to me, and says to me: 
" You know we are friends of the colored people, and so you must tell me 
de truth." Then he says: "Mose [for I had done told him my name], 
Mose, are there many soldiers in Tarboro?" I told him there was in de 
morning more men than I had ever seen in my life, and I tells him whex - e 
they went to. Then he asks me: "Mose, have they much cabalry?" 
"Cabalry? what you mean by dat? " "Have they many men on horses? " 
And I says: "Bless your soul, master, I neber have seen as many black- 
birds in de cornfields as dey have horses thar; everywhere you go you 
see dem men on horses." "Have they many guns? " "Sure, ebery man 
hab a gun." "You don't understand me, Mose," says he: "have they 
many cannon on wheels? " Then I ups and tells how when dem cannon 
went out of town I sot on de ground on my knees in a joint of fence in a 
cornfield on tother side de road and looks through de rails and counts 
them, and dar war, for sure, just sixty-four of dem. Next he asked me 
what ginnerals were there, and I told him I ain't partielarly 'quainted with 
dem, but that 1 had heard tell of Ginneral Martin there, who had but one 
arm. Then, after thinking for some time, he called a man and told him 
to take care of me and not let me get away. Soon they beat de drums and 
blowed de horns, and they all got ready and was going back, and in the 
big crowd I slips out, and, bless the Lord, I am home here with de ole 
woman and children. 

Whether Foster was influenced by the information he got from 
old Mose, I know not, but such was the old negro's story as he 
related it to me the next day, as I remember it. 



152 Two Wars. 

I am quite sure vandalism (especially stealing) commenced in 
New Berne, for the pianos and furniture shipped from there 
decorate to-day many a Northern home. At Hamilton most 
of the dwellings had been entered, mirrors broken, furniture 
smashed, doors torn from their hinges, and especially were the 
feather beds emptied in the streets, spokes of carriage wheels 
broken, and cows shot in the tields by the roadside, etc. It was 
a pitiful sight to see the women and children in their destitute 
condition. Alas! toward the end it was an everyday occurrence, 
and the main object of small expeditions was to steal private 
property. 

Pretty early in December a lady correspondent, outside of 
New Berne, informed me that it was reported that the troops in 
the town were to move out and attack 'Wilmington, or destroy 
the railroad to that place. I kept Gen. G. W. Smith, in Rich- 
mond, whose command embraced the State of North Carolina, 
advised of the information received, and he went through Pe- 
tersburg, stopping to see me, and then went on to Goldsboro, 
N. C, to await developments. 

My diary says: 

Lett Petersburg December 15, in the evening train for Weklon. 
From there ordered the horses and equipments by land road to Goldsboro. 
Also, by command of Gen. G. W. Smith, I ordered Col. Martin's regiment 
to Goldsboro. I left in Petersburg, awaiting transportation, the Missis- 
sippi regiments and some of Daniel's Brigade and Bradford's Artillery. 
Leaving Weldon, I proceeded to Goldsboro, and arrived there at 7:30 a.m. 
on the 16th, and took the train to Kinston. Reached Mosely Hall about 
10 a.m. Found Gen. Evans there. At this time there was heard heavy 
tiring at I he Whitehall bridge over the Neuse river. The tiring increas- 
ing rapidly, I sent to Gen. Robertson Col. Burguin's regiment, and Gen. 
Pettigrew to take command if it should prove to be a determined attempt 
to cross the river, which 1 doubted. This regiment did not reach there in 
time to render any material assistance. The troops engaged were Leven- 
thorpe's Eleventh North Carolina, a part of Feribee's and Evans's Bri- 
gades, Jordan's Thirty-First North Carolina, and two piecesof artillery. A 
battery I sent did not reach there until tin; tight was over. In this affair 
we lost about thirty killed and wounded. We had about live hundred men 
engaged, and the enemy four regiments and fifteen pieces of artillery, and 
their loss, from inferior position, must have been about one hundred. 

Being satisfied that the attempt to cross or to put down a pontoon bridge 
was frustrated, if seriously contemplated, and that the objective point was 
Goldsboro and the railroad bridge there, I ordered Col. Kodgers up from 
Kinston, who had been there all day in possession of the town, and seul 



Whitehall and (Goldsboro Bridges. 153 

him and Evans's Brigade forward to Goldsboro in haste, and informed Gen. 
Smith that the enemy was moving up the river; and made every effort to 
get our force to Goldsboro. Gen. Peltigrew moved with Burguin's and 
Leventhorpe's regiments for that point, leaving a strong force and two 
guns at Whitehall. The train that took Rodgers did not return until about 
4 a.m.. and left soon after with troops. Seeing them off, I started on horse- 
back with staff and rode to Goldsboro, and reached there at 9 a.m. and re- 
ported to Gen. Smith. 

The guard that was left at Mosely Hall was directed to take an account 
of the cotton burned there, and to save the rope and bagging. 

When 1 reached the depot near Bear Creek I there found Burguin's 
regiment and a down train. It brought me an order from Gen. Smith to 
leave Gen. Robertson in command of the troops at Whitehall and Spring 
Bank bridges to hold them. Gen. Martin was left in command at Mosely 
Hall. I have since learned that the enemy left eighty men unburied at 
Whitehall. They removed the wounded. Seventy stand of arms were 
collected. During this time Gen. Clingman, with his brigade, was on the 
right bank of the river. 

When Col. Rodgers was ordered from Kinston I directed that the com- 
mand of Wallace should proceed dh-ect to Goldsboro from Greenville, 
and not stop at Kinston to support Col. Rodgers, as he had been ordered 
away. 

In consequence of the movements made, as has been stated, the condi- 
tion of matters on the morning of the 17th, was as follows: Clingman 
was over the river on the right bank with his brigade (Cantrell's. Shaw's, 
and Marshall's regiments) and some artillery; Evans, with his brigade and 
the Mississippi troops, in the town; Rodgers, near by; and Bur'guin, en 
route, near at hand. When I reached the town and reported to Gen. Smith 
he told me he had ordered, early in the morning, Gens. Evans and Cling- 
man to make an armed reeonnoissance on the other side of the river. For 
some reason, not known to me, it never moved or got off until the enemy 
at lacked the bridge. 

About '2:30 p.m. I was informed that the enemy was advancing on the 
Goldsboro bridge ( the railroad bridge over the Neuse), and the cannon were 
heard in the distance. Pettigrew started to join Clingman on the other 
side of the river. Smith sent for me to come to his office. I remained 
with him about an hour, urging forward troops. Gen. Smith then went 
to the hotel for his sword, coat. etc. When he returned I picked up my 
Salter ami said: "If you have no particular use for me here, I shall go down 
to the field." To this he implied: "Very well." 

Riding down I overtook the Hon. W. Dortch, Confederate States Sena- 
tor, and Gov. Z. Vance. They wished to show me some fords in the river. 
I found Pettigrew examining them also. I then galloped on for the field, 
and found Gen. Smith there. He had passed by while we were locating 
the fords. On arriving on the field I found most of our troops in the edge 
of the woods. I moved them across the field to the railroad, which af- 
forded some protection. The enemy were drawn up in line on some ris- 
ing ground somewhat obliquely to the railroad. Their right was about 



154 Two Wabs. 

seven hundred yards distant, and the left four hundred. There was really 
but little tiring except artillery, and that was at the one gun we brought 
on the field. Evans, on our left, ordered a charge over the open field 
toward a battery. The regiment making the charge suffered considerably 
from canister shot, and as soon as possible I recalled it. It soon became 
dark, both lines maintaining their positions. Smith now came over to the 
left, and called Evans. Pettigrew, and me, with Stevens, engineer, to con- 
sult or counsel with him on the question of remaining or withdrawing. 
All but Evans favored crossing back to camp. 

The diary is too full of detail to quote. We recrossed be- 
cause the weather was intensely cold, and the troops had no 
blankets or provisions, and would be unfit for service if they 
remained there. Next morning Foster was on his return to 
New Berne. Had Smith seen to it that Evans had crossed 
over, and with Clingman's Brigade and his own moved as di- 
rected, the bridge could not have been burned, as it was, by 
a party of six men. Reports said Foster had eighteen thou- 
sand men and eighteen pieces of artillery; we had nine thou- 
sand, with nearly twenty pieces of artillery. The whole mat- 
ter was probably a demonstration in favor of Burn side at 
Fredericksburg. Our troops were not properly handled at 
Goldsboro. 

From Goldsboro I returned to Petersburg on the 24th. On 
January 5, 1863, I left Petersburg for Weldon on account of in- 
formation of an apprehended attack on Wilmington. The next 
day Gen. G. W. Smith arrived, and then went on to Goldsboro. 
On the 16th 1 joined Gen. Smith at Goldsboro. Owing to in- 
formation received on the 20th, 1 ordered Cook's Brigade to near 
South Washington, Ransom's to Kenonsville, and Pettigrew's 
intermediate, to support either. In the evening Smith went to 
Wilmington. On the 27th 1 received information that Gen. 
Smith had been ordered to Richmond, and a dispatch came for 
me from the War Department to repair to Goldsboro and as- 
sume command of all the troops. On the 3d of February I re- 
ceived orders to send reinforcements to Wilmington. I sent 
Evans's Brigade there. Orders also came to convene a court of 
inquiry on Gen. Evans. On the 8th forces were sent from Wil- 
mington to Charleston, and on the 18th I examined the works 
around the city of Wilmington that I had constructed a year 
ago, and the next day visited the forts, Fisher, Caswell, etc. I 
returned to Peters! uirg on the 23d. (Jen. D. H. Hill, having no 



Obtaining Supplies. 155 

troops, was put in command of those in North Carolina, leaving 
me Southern Virginia. I found in Petersburg Lieut. Gen. Long- 
street. 

In the summer of L862 an estimable clergyman came to me and 
spoke of an opportunity of obtaining some supplies for the 
troops from Norfolk. I believed it feasible, and referred him 
to my chief quartermaster, Maj. J. B. Moray. It speedily was 
put into operation, and the plan was very simple. An English- 
man, living some miles from Suffolk, having charge of or own- 
ing an estate on which he lived, had permission to pass the lines 
at will, and had a permit to purchase supplies for his place. 
Under this permit he procured for the reverend gentleman large 
supplies of sugar, coffee, clothes, shoes, medicines, surgical in- 
struments, saddler's tools, bacon, etc. One day at Weldon, or 
Halifax, a trunk was sent to headquarters through this channel 
containing some coffee and the most costly pair of boots I have 
ever worn. The foot was calfskin and the tops of morocco, and 
came above the knee. They were worn long after the war end- 
ed. Who sent them I do not know. The only trouble I gave 
to this matter of obtaining supplies was to place a respectable 
and permanent guard that could be trusted, to let the boats land 
with the supplies.* When I went to Petersburg the ladies were 

*By this arrangement my quartermaster, Maj. J. B. Moray, obtained 
bacon, sugar, coffee, blankets, shoes, cloth, saddlers' tools, medical sup- 
plies, etc., in no small quantities. He also had hay and fodder baled, by 
sending a hay press through the north counties of North Carolina to bale 
this forage, and obtain grain. On the arrival of Gens. D. H. Hill and Long- 
street it terminated, for Longstreet took the teams. 

The following letter from the Hon. James A. Sedden relates to this mat- 
ter: 

War Department, C. S. A.. } 
Richmond, February 20, 1863. j 
Gen. S. G. French, Commanding, Etc. 

General: I have derived much satisfaction from your letter of the 12th, 
and am gratified to sec how fully you have realized and understand the 
great needs of our army on the Rappahannock for supplies of forage and 
subsistence, and the difficulty of meeting them. The scarcity in this Slate 
is really great, and without distressing exactions from the people, and 
much consequent suffering, there is no prospect of drawing any large sup- 
plies from them. 

Our great reliance must be on the large producing counties of North 
Carolina, and, unfortunately, the richest are in the hands of, or under the 
control of, the enemy. Great efforts must be made to draw all that can 
forced or tempted from that quarter, and there can be no better employ- 
ment of our foi*ces in North Carolina than in protecting and aiding such 
operations. Even illicit dealings with persons of doubtful position, or 



156 Two Wars. 

somewhat "slipshod," for no ladies* shoes, toothbrushes, pins, 
needles, or materials for dresses were for sale. Through re- 
spectable men "running the blockade," I had the town supplied. 
All that I required of these men was that they should bring a 
tew necessary articles for the government, then as much as they 
wished for sale, but the invoice must be submitted to the quarter- 
master to see if there were any other things useful for the army. 

There was a large, tall woman named .Johnston by whom 
hundreds of letters, with money in them, were sent by soldiers 
to their families in that part of Virginia, and in return she 
brought letters to Confederate soldiers. I detailed an intelli- 
gent man to read all letters going out and returning by the 
blockade runners; all letters, too, going north by, or received 
from, the flag of truce boats were examined before being deliv- 
ered to the persons addressed. Only a few of these letters were 
referred to me. I never doubted Mrs. Johnston's integrity, but 
some of my staff endeavored to have me believe she was a spy 
on both sides. She always told me the truth about the enemy, 
for I could see it corroborated by the testimony of others. One 
time she was gone about six weeks, then returned and said (Jen. 
Viele had put a guard over her house in Norfolk and kept her a 
prisoner. When some years afterwards I met Gen. Viel6 in New 
York lie told me he could do nothing with her, she defied him. 
and he kept her at home that while. She gave him no truthful 
information, but was faithful in her reports to us. 

There was a girl living in Norfolk that wanted to cross the 
lines and go to Richmond. Three prominent citizens, separate- 
ly, informed me that she was a spy. Gen. J. .J. Pettigrew, on 
the Blackwater, received like information, and asked me for in- 
structions. I wrote: kt Let her come, but send an officer to watch 
her." She arrived by train, in company with a "roach-backed" 
looking woman with a child in her arms, and went to the hotel. 
I directed the city marshal to arrest her if she attempt to leave 
for Richmond, and he arrested her at the Richmond depot the 
next morning and brought her to me. She swore she was a true 

mercenary natures, mighl be encouraged to the extent of procuring sup- 
plies, particularly (if meat. But with the clear views and convictions you 
nave on this whole subject it is unnecessary t<> urge the adoption of >i>r- 
eial means. You will. I doubt not, adopt all that ran be made available, 



and in so doing you will have the sanction of the department 

Very truly yours. James A. Skddon, Seen 



tary.of War 



Sidney Lanier. 157 

woman to the Confederacy, that she had a brother in the serv- 
ice. I asked her how she left Suffolk. She declared she passed 
the Federal lines with the woman now with her, who had a pass 
for two persons, that she brought the woman and child along 
with her lest the woman should be imprisoned for aiding her 
over the line of pickets, etc. Then I read to her several letters 
informing me ""Fannie Cooper left this morning in a carriage 
with a Yankee officer to go to Richmond." She denied it all. 
I told her she would have to go to Salisbury a prisoner until I 
could inquire into her case further. She begged not to be im- 
prisoned there, so I sent her back to Gen. Pettigrew, command- 
ing on the Blackwater, to have her sent back to her home. Now, 
during the siege of Suffolk, many persons told me that "she 
did go out of Suffolk in the carriage with an officer," etc. In 
1866 she wrote me a letter declaring all I heard about her was 
false, and wishing me all sorts of bad things. All in all it would 
have been an interesting case for Sherlock Holmes. 

Petersburg was under martial law, and to keep the city in peace 
and order was no small task. Men who were regarded respect- 
able would sell liquor to the soldiers. To tine the offenders 
was useless. To end it, the suggestion was made that a court- 
martial should condemn the next offender to have his head shaved 
and wear a ik barrel shirt," and be marched through the city two 
hours every day for ten days. That ended selling whisky. How 
would a dude look with his head shaved and protruding through 
a hole in the head of a barrel? Would the sun affect his in- 
tellects The doctors reported that no ordinary person could 
endure it, so I remitted a part of the sentence. 

One day the provost marshal arrested a blockade runner for 
not obeying his instructions. His goods were placed in a rented 
store, and J. A. Shingleur, of Columbus, Ga., and Sidney La- 
nier, of my signal corps, were detailed to sell them. The money 
was deposited in bank to my order. After the war was ended 
I gave the owner the funds. I have often Avondered if that quiet, 
gentle soldier-poet remembered his experience as a merchant in 
Petersburg? Often he and a friend would come to my quarters 
and pass the evening with us, where the "alarums of war" were 
lost in the soft notes of their flutes, for Lanier was an excellent 
musician. I believe his cantata was sung at the opening of the 
World's Exposition held in Philadelphia in 1876. 



158 Two Wars. 

Another duty was the exchange of prisoners on arrival at City 
Point of the flag of truce steamer. Our men were sent out to a 
cam]) I had. and thence to their commands. I never went to the 
flag of truce boat in all this while but once, and then I did not 
go aboard of her. T dismounted and took a scat on a box. All 
was quiet. The staging from the main deck rested on the wharf. 
On this deck, by the staging, were posted two soldiers with arms 
aground. On the upper deck were three or four United States 
soldiers. Their clothing was clean, neat, and new, and they 
wore unsoiled white cotton gloves. The wharf was guarded by 
a lone Confederate soldier. On his head was a straw hat, his 
raiment was butternut in color, his shoes were low-quartered, 
his hair and beard long. In countenance he was dignified, and 
his eye bright. To protect himself from the cold north wind, a 
brown blanket was tied, or pinned, in front around his neck, 
and as he turned to the north, pacing to and fro in front of the 
stage, his blanket would swing now east, now west, and on re- 
turning wrap him in its folds. He heeded not the neat clad en- 
emy on the steamer, but walked his post with the conscious con- 
viction that he was their peer in every walk of life. None of 
the soldiers leaning over the railing and looking down on him 
were commenting on his garb, or laughing at him. Battle had 
taught them to respect him. Still the contrast in clothing ami 
comfort was marked. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Telegram from Secretary of War— Go to Richmond Declined Going to 
Vicksburg— Gen. Longstreet— He Starts for Suffolk— Suffolk— Capture 
of a Fort and Garrison— No Report Made of the Capture— Statement of 
Lieut, George Reese— Longstreet Ordered to Join Lee— Dispatches- 
Battle of Chancellorsville— Withdraw from Suffolk— An Impertinent 
Note— Court of Inquiry Asked for and Refused Possible Result Had 
Longstreet Obeyed Orders— Tew Dispatches to Longstreet— Orders to 
Report to Gen. Johnston. 

ON March 1, 1863, I received a telegram from the Secretary 
of War stating that he wished to sec me in regard to a 
change of service. The day following I called at the office of 
the Secretary, Hon. J. A. Seddon, and he expressed a desire thai 
I would go to the city of Vicksburg to assist in the defense of 
that place. 1 did not give my assent, preferring to consider the 
matter. On the 3d I rode around the line of defensive works 
that I had constructed around Petersburg with (Jen. Longstreet. 
and did not get hack until 3 p.m. 

I have already stated that on my return from Wilmington on 
the 23d of February, 1S63, I found Gen. Longstreet in Peters- 
burg in command of the divisions of (lens. Hood and Pickett. 
The main object of his coming was to provision his troops and 
forage his animals (until active service commenced requiring him 
1.) join Gen. Lee or otherwise) from the supplies in the adjoin- 
ing counties of Virginia and the counties of North Carolina in 
the northeastern portion of the State, and be in readiness to join 
Gen. Lee promptly, which he said was arranged before he left 
Fredericksburg. (See Long-street's " Memoirs." page 329. ) 

That the trains might move in safety, it was necessary to con- 
tine the Federal forces in the works around Suffolk and Norfolk. 
Accordingly about the middle of April Longstreet moved with 
his two divisions and one of mine on Suffolk. The approach of 
our troops was not discovered until the advance was in open 
view of the defenses around the city. Their pickets were quiet- 
ly captured, and the lookout sentinel in an observatory on a 
platform in the top of a large pine tree in front of the city 
might have been captured also had it not been for the desire of 



160 Two Wars. 

one of the Confederates to take a shot at him while he was in the 
top, before any one had been sent near the base of the pine. The 
man came down as lively as a squirrel, and the alarm was given. 

The circumvallation of the city, in part, was made by Pickett's 
division on the right, mine in the center, and Hood's on the left, 
and thus the siege of Suffolk began. 

When Gen. Longstreet had been in Petersburg some time, he 
said to me one day that he purposed to attack Suffolk after his 
preparations were made, and to take the trains and send them 
down into the seaboard counties for provisions. 

The next thing I knew, April 9, he put his command in mo- 
t ion. and took from me a division and a number of batteries, and 
was on his way to Suffolk without informing me in any way of 
his designs, or of his wishes.* The next day I put a staff offi- 
cer in charge of the department headquarters, and with my other 
staff officers rode to Suffolk and took command of my own troops 
there that had been removed without sending the order through 
my office as courtesy required. No doubt the object of such 
proceedings was to give the command of a division to Gen. M. 
Jenkins, a worthy and gallant officer, who had distinguished 
himself in the seven days 1 tight around Richmond. On the 
morning of the 13th I took command of my own troops, the bri- 
gades of Pettigrew, Jenkins, and Davis, and my batteries. I 
found Gen. Longstreet down near the front, where there was 
considerable artillery tiring and skirmishing on the advanced 
line. Longstreet asked me to accept the command of all the ar- 
tillery, which I refused to do. I told him I did not intend to give 
up the command of my division to any one, but that I was willing 
to give all the assistance I could, personally and through the 

*This was a violation of military usages that both Gens. Andrew Jack- 
son and Z. Taylor denounced. Here is an extract from the order of Gen. 
Jackson : 

Headquarters Division of the South, } 
Nashville, April 22, isit. \ 

The commanding general considers it due to the principles which 
ought and must exist in an army to prohibit the obedience of any order 
emanating from the Department of War to officers of this division . . . 
unless coming through him as the proper organ of communication. The 
object of this is to prevent the recurrence, etc. 

Here we see Jackson forbidding obedience to any order to troops or of- 
ficer in his command unless it was communicated to him first for his ac 
tion. 



Stbibbling Guns. 161 

chief of my artillery, to place in position guns to prevent gun- 
boats going up and down the river; and, although my diary does 
not mention it, all the artillery was ordered to report to me. I 
assigned all the batteries belonging to them to the commit ml of 
tht respectivi divisions, and thus it was scattered along fhe line 
for several miles, leaving me some spare batteries and a few 
siege guns in charge of my chief of artillery. But I will copy 
from my diary: 

Tuesday, 14th. Heavy skirmishing; rode to Pickett's Division and to 
the extreme right of the line, and met Gen. Armstead there. 

Wednesday, loth. Started down the river with some artillery to en- 
deavor to destroy the gunboats: found but one in the river, and it was too 
far below. After getting guns in position withdrew them. Day very 
rainy. 

Thursday, 16th. Rodedown the river and examined it for positions for 
defense: met Longstreet at Mr. Riddick's place; then went to Mr. Le 
Compte's house. We were invited to stay for dinner. but before it was 
ready a gunboat opened fire on the house while we were resting in the 
yard behind it and while the family were in it. After the second shot, 
which went through it. we rode out into the field by the side of the house 
in open sight. They did not tire at us (myself and four of my staff), but 
all the while continued the attack on the dwelling, and over the heads of 
the little children, who were on the lawn in front waving white hand- 
kerchiefs. The dwelling was built of ; brick, and was riddled with large 
holes. The wonder to me was how the children escaped. As we were 
leaving the field and the doctor had his hands on the latch of the gate to 
open it. it was opened by a three-hundred-pound shell striking the post 
that the gate was hung to. demolishing it. 

17th. Last night I gave my consent that two guns from Stribbling's 
battery be put in an old work that was to be garrisoned by two compa- 
nies of Gen. Law's Brigade, and some guns from Martin's battery were 
put in another work. A gunboat came up and opened fire on the fort 
where the two Alabama companies were, without damage. 

18th. Passed all day down the river. Got the two thirty-two pound- 
ers in position, ready to open to-morrow. 

19th. This forenoon the gunboats came up, and the thirty-two pound- 
er tired on them and drove them back. They were also attacked by some 
sharpshooters. 

Just before sunset the gunboats and several batteries of artillery 
opened a very severe cross fire on the fort and over the plain in the rear 
of the fort, where the two guns from Stribbling's battery had been placed 
to aid the garrison. Pending this attack the enemy landed a strong in- 
fantry force, under cover of some timber, on our side of the river, car- 
ried the place by a sudden assault, and captured the garrison, consisting 
of Companies A and B, Forty-Fourth Alabama Regiment, and a squad of 
artillerymen. 
11 



162 Two Hj/.x. 

I heard the distant firing about sunset, ami at 9 P.M. I heard in camp 
that one of the forts in Hood's command had been captured. I went over 
to Longstreet's headquarters, ami lie asked me to go down and take com- 
mand. On arrival I found on the ground there (Jens. Hood and Law 
with Robertson's Brigade and Connelly's Fifty-Fifth North Carolina Reg- 
iment, a*nd took command as I wasordered. The Fifty-Fifth North Caro- 
lina Regiment was advanced, but it was driven back in the darkness by 
the cross tire of the gunboats ami the enemy in the captured works. It 
was so plain to any one who had a knowledge of the art of war that the 
enemy would not hold an isolated work on our side of the river, that I 
was not inclined to make an assault which would have sacrificed so many 
lives uselessly. Yet such was the order given by Longstreet. 

20th. Remained in position till morning, when Lonjjstreet arrived. 
Both Gens. Hood and Law strenuously insisted that no attack should be 
made to capture the works while the troops would be subjected to the 
severe cross fire over the neck of land from the enemy's flee! of vessels 
and the troops in the redoubt and artillery opposite on the other side of 
the river. 

At 1 P.M. I turned the command over to Hood, or rather left him in 
command of his own troops, advising him to wait and let the enemy 
abandon the place, which they did. Soon after this ('apt. Cussons, com- 
mander of Law's scouts, with a few men and a loud •■yell." ran in the 
enemy's pickets and entered the works with them. They went on out. 
and left Cussons to hold the empty fort. 

22d. If that redoubt, which gave support to our left think (that other- 
wise would have been •'in air"), was worth a great sacrifice of life to re- 
capture it. as ordered by Longstreet, then certainly it was in accord with 
the science of war to place two "-mis on the works to strengthen and pro- 
tect tin' left Hank of his army.* 

:;: Longstreet reiterates the story of the capture of the battery in his book, but is silent 
about the garrison or t he capture of the redoubt. Therefore I will append a statement 
handed tn me by George Reese, an honored citizen of Pensacola, Fla. M\ account is from 
my diary; his is from memory. He writes: 

'•I was a lieutenant in Company A, forty-Fourth Alabama Infantry. Law's Brigade, 
Hood's Division, Longstreet's Corps, nnd was with my command at the investment of Suf- 
folk in 1863. On the lsth day of April, while in line, Companies A and K receive. 1 orders, 
about 8 p.m., to move. I think we numbered fifty men, all told. We were marched about 
two miles to the left of Longstreet's army. 

We arrived at an old fort, or rather redoubt, exposed on the land side, but protected by 
a high embankment on the river side. In this fort we found two suns of Stribbling's bat- 
tery, with their complement of gunners. This whole force, with the two suns, was captured 
on the 19th of April, near 6 p.m. About 1 p.m. the enemy opened a terrific tire on the fort 
from a great number of guns massed on the opposite side of the river and from the uun- 
. n< i infantry Undercover of tins tire a transport landed about a thousand men be- 
hind a point of land extending into the river just above the fort, concealed by thick under- 
growth. They were within one hundred yards of the fort when discovered. It was natu 
ral thai the infantry should blame Gen. Longstreet for thus placing so small a force so far 
away from support, and loud complaints were heard from both men and ottin-rs. We 
were taken to Suffolk the same night awl next moroing to Norfolk, an i two weeks after 
exchanged. GeorgeRef.se, Lieut. Co A,Forty-l mm. 

" iv i.i ! i . Man h 1897 



Stribblisg Guns. 163 

I am tired of volunteering against gunboats any more, and declined hav- 
ing anything to do with the line defended by Gen. Hood because of a 
communication received from the general commanding saying I was "in 
charge of the river defenses." To have charge of the river defenses in- 
volves more or less the command of all the army. I really had officially 
nothing to do with the river defenses, only I voluntarily placed two large 
siege guns in position to be used in attacking any boats passing up or 
down the river. Cohnally's Regiment was a support for these two guns. 

23d. Confined myself to the immediate command of my division, and 
took no more interest in Hood's line, and ordered Connally's Regiment to 
join his brigade. 

24th and 25th. There was some skirmishing. 

26th. Rode down with Gen. Longstreet to the Whitemarsh road. 
Gone all day. The line there is commanded by Gen. Armstead. 

And now come the Richmond papers proclaiming: "From Suffolk — 
( icii. French lost Stribbling's battery." Mark you, no mention of the cap- 
ture of the fort; no mention of the capture of the two companies that gar- 
risoned it. It would not do to have it reported that the Yankees crossed 
the Xansemond yesterday and captured a fort on our side of the river by 
assault. The garrison, composed of two companies of the Forty-Fourth 
Alabama Regiment of Law's Brigade. Hood's Division, were taken prison- 
ers and the two guns were lost. But it will not do to let this be known. 
No, no: write it down thus: " Yesterday Gen. French lost Stribbling's bat- 
tery." The world is too busy to inquire, and the world will believe it. 
The truth is. I was never in the fort, never saw it. I had no authority 
over the garrison, and I was in no way responsible for the loss of the re- 
doubt, the garrison, or guns. 

The most remarkable feature of this little affair is the per- 
sistency with which headquarters proclaimed that "French lost 
Stril ding's battery," and were silent about the infantry garrison 
captured, etc. I will give two letters here from the War Rec- 
ords: 

Headquarters Near Suffolk, April 21, 1863. 

Maj. Gen. D. II. Hill, Goldsboro. 

Gen. Longstreet is closely engaged to-night, and he has asked me to 
write you briefly the particulars of the affair of Sunday night which re- 
sulted in the capture by the enemy of Stribbling's battery. Several bat- 
teries had been planted on the Nansemond to hold the river against the 
passage of gunboats and transport-. Stribbling's occupied an old nnin- 
closed work on Hill's Point, a tongue of land a little above the confluence 
of Western Branch and Nansemond. About dark on the evening of the 
19th the enemy opened a severe fire from his field batteries planted oppo- 
site, and his gunboats above and below the fort, entirely sweeping with a 
cross tire the plain in the rear of the work. Under cover of this tire and 



1(34 Two Wars. 

darkness they landed a force, not more than one hundred and fifty strong, 
a very little distance from the fort, rushed upon its rear, and surprised 
and captured its garrison. 

The artillery on the river was directly under the management of Maj. 
Gen. French. There were five guns, fifty-five artillerists, and seventy in- 
fantry (sharpshooters) in the fort, which all fell into the hands of the en- 
emy. 

The affair is regarded as a most remarkable and discreditable instance 
of an entire absence of vigilance. A regiment (Fifty-Fifth North Caroli- 
na and seven hundred strong) which Gen. Longstreet had particularly or- 
dered to the vicinity for the protection of the battery was not posted in 
supporting distance. No official report of the affair has yet been received 
from Gen. French. The captured guns were carried across the river. It 
is some consolation that only the guns and ammunition chests were lust. 
The horses and ammunition carriages, being considerably in t he rear of 
the battery, were saved. We are otherwise quite comfortable here. The 
quartermasters and commissaries are actively engaged in getting out sup- 
plies. 

I am, General, very respectfully your obedient servant, 

G. M. Sorrel, Assistant Adjutant General.* 

This letter comes from the headquarters of Gen. Lonirstreet. 
and should he a careful account; whereas it contains errors in 
stating occurrences well known at the time it was written. 1 
will point out some of the errors: 

1. Only a small part of Stribbling's battery was captured by 
the enemy. 

2. Stribbling's battery was not in the redoubt, as stated, in 
numbers. 

3. The estimate that the enemy's force was not over one hun- 
dred and fifty differs very much from that of Lieut. George 
Reese, who was an officer of one of the companies forming the 
garrison that was captured, who writes it was near one thou- 
sand. 

d. "The artillery on the river was directly under the command 
of Maj. (Jen. French" is an error, as I declined it the day of my 
arrival, only I voluntarily offered to assist in checking the gun- 
boats passing up or down the river. 

5. It states that "there were five guns, fifty-five artillerists, 
and seventy infantry captured by the enemy;" whereas it was 
known to the entire army by the Hist, the date of this letter, 
that only ///•'/ guns and <il><mt , ighteen artillerists were lost when 

-See Vol. LI., Part 11. Serial No. ins. War Records, page 692. 



Stribbling's Guns. 165 

the redoubt fell by the capture of the garrison. No horses, 
caissons, harness, forge, etc., were in the fort. They were in 
camp. 

6. Gen. Longstreet did not particularly order the Fifty-Fifth 
North Carolina Regiment to that vicinity for the protection of 
the battery. It was one of the regiments of my command, and I 
sent it down to support two thirty -two-pounders that Col. Cun- 
ningham had mounted at a place we had selected farther down 
the river. Tho "protection" to the two guns at the fort was 
t/i, garrison //>>,,// sent to fl>< fort and such other as he directed. 
The better explanation is. the guns were asked of me to aid the 
garrison. 

7. The statement that "no official report of the affair has yet 
been received from Gen. French" is misleading, and a report 
from me would have been supererogatory. The report of that 
"affair" was strictly a matter between the general commanding 
and Gen. Hood, who commanded the division and placed the 
garrison in the fort to protect his extreme left, then "in air." 

8. "When headquarters announced that "it was some little 
consolation that only five guns and ammunition chests were 
lost," it may have been joyous that only the garrison was lost 
instead of the whole of Hood's Division, of which it formed a 
part. 

9. I must give Gen. Longstreet\s adjutant general the manli- 
ness to be the only officer in Longstreet's Corps who has, in any 
manner or form, put on record the fact, directly or indirectly, 
that there was a garrison placed in that redoubt by order of 
Longstreet, or Hood, or both, and it was captured by the en- 
emy, and with the garrison went the two guns. To the world 
has the publication gone that Gen. French lost Stribbling's bat- 
tery. 

10. If it be creditable for headquarters to publish that "this 
affair is regarded as a most remarkable and discreditable instance 
of an entire absence of vigilance" on my part, then I claim it is 
proper for me to remark that this effusion from the head of this 
army may be also "regarded as a most remarkable and discred- 
itable instance of an entire absence of correctness in stating that 
affair." 

There was no doubt a want of vigilance; and if Gen. Long- 
street had desired, he could have learned whether the commander 



166 Two Wars. 

of the garrison put out pickets or not. He could have ascer- 
tained what orders were given the commander by his colonel, or 
Gen. Law, or by Gen. Hood, and fixed the responsibility where 
it belonged. Who put the garrison there, and what instruc- 
tions were given the commander? embraces the question. He 
says he "particularly ordered Col. Connally's regiment there 
himself for the protection of this battery,'.' which is an error. 

Like the ghost of Banquo, Stribbling's battery rises up again 
at headquarters and will not out. 

Heaquarters Neab Suffolk, April 20, 1863, ? p.m. 

I'.i- g. Gen. H. L Benning, Commanding Brigade. 

Your communication of 8 A.M. to-day lias been received. . . . The 
cannonade that you heard last night arose from a successful effort of the 
enemy to capture one of our batteries on the river. Under cover of dark- 
ness and the tire of his gunboats and land batteries he landed a force near 
HilT.s Point, and /<«</,■ possession of Stribbling's battery by <i surprise. 

I am, General, very respectfully your obedient servant. 

G. M. Sorrel, Assistant Adjutant General* 

I now will continue my diary: 

■27th. '2sth. and 29th. Passed most of the day examining the line be- 
t ween my right and Gen. Garnett. Reported to Gen. Longstreet. Spoke's 
Run is no barrier to infantry. To-day, the 29th, orders came for Gen. 
Longstreet t<> jnin Gen. /.<< immediately, lie sent for me and told me he 
was ordered to join Gen. bee with his two divisions; but that he could not 
go, as his wagons sent for supplies had not returned. I made no reply, but 
thought it strange, considering all the company wagons, etc. he required 
to move were in the camp. 

30th. "Waiting for the wagons" is still the song. Terrible thunder- 
storm. Lightning injured a number of men. 

Friday, May 1. This afternoon about 4 P.M. the enemy was found in 
line of battle. One regiment, said to have been the Fifty-Ninth New York, 
advanced on my picket lines and were handsomely repulsed by Col. Con- 
nally's regiment. In supporting his men in the pits he lost ten men. The 
enemy shelled the plain furiously for an hour and a half in my front. 
Courier came and said they were advancing on the Fifty-Fifth and light- 
ing like h — 1. I rode over to Jenkins, and we galloped to the front. Or- 
dered formally to send support to his pickets, and it was done valiantly. 
The enemy lost over forty men. By sunset all was quiet. This was a 
demonstration in favor of Hooker, who was now at Chacellorsville. 

May 'J. All was quiet last night, more so than usual, and now up to 
(i p.m. all is still save an occasional gun and a little picket-firing, and 
this continued during the night. Received to-day general instructions to 
withdraw to the Plackwater. 

* From War Records, page 692, Serial No. 108. 



Fifty-Ninth New York Repulsed. 



167 



May 3. This morning sent to the rear all spare articles, baggage, etc. 
At 11 a.m. Gen. Longstreet started for Franklin, and left me in command 
of the army to withdraw it. Heavy firing down the river, and the enemy 
is shelling the railroad crossing, raptured men report Gen. Uix in com- 
mand in Suffolk. Some Yankees came over the river with sugar and 

coffee to trade. 

The skirmishing on the left was very heavy, and I sent down one regi- 
cnenl to support Gen. Anderson, and moved Davis's Brigade to the left 
about a mile. I am now informed that Gen. Longstreet did not go at 11 
a.m. as he expected to do. At sunset the firing on the left still continued, 
and the order to withdraw was countermanded. About 7 p.m. I received 
orders from Maj. Latrobe to withdraw in half an hour. I then ordered 
ii]) the supports from the railroad, and directed the men in the advanced 
rifle pits to he withdrawn at 11:20. At 10 the column was in motion, and 
we marched steadily the distance of six miles. . . . Arriving at the 
junction of the South Quay and Summerton roads, I learned that all Maj. 
Mitchell's trains had crossed the Blackwater, ami Pickett's wagons were 
now passing on to the river to cross. Being thus advised, tin- div sion 
was hahed. and I rode on to look for a good position to form line of bat- 
tle to defend the crossing in case the enemy should pursue. I found an 
admirable position, and disposed my forces accordingly. Pickett's Di- 
vision came up, ami 1 let', Col. Bratten, with two regiments and a bat- 
tery of artillery, to remain with the cavalry to guard the South Quay road. 
This was on the morning of the 4th. 

4th. In the afternoon received orders to cross over the river, and 
thai when all were over to ride np to see him (Longstreet). The orders 
of the General left me but two brigades for the defense of the line from 
the James river to the < Jhowan river. 

5th. Started this morning tor Ivor; posted Davis at the Blackwater 
bridge. . . . Rode on to Zuni. I found Longstreet was in Petersburg, 
and, as there were two trains ready to leave. I determined to ride up and 
ascertain why. he wished to see me, and try and get a third brigade, f 
sent Feribee's regiment down to the Isle of Wight to find out where the 
enemy was. I left Zuni at 2 p.m., and reached Petersburg at 3:50 p.m. I 
called on Longstreet as directed. I could not induce him to leave me the 
third brigade. ... I then asked of him permission to remain in Pe- 
tersburg until the morning, which he granted. Soon after a communica- 
tion was handed me in which the general commanding "expressed sur- 
prise that I was in the city, and asked me to explain what induced me to 
abandon my command." I had a locomotive waiting to take me hack to 
Zuni, or Franklin, as occasioned required; but considering the General 
told me I could remain, and by reason of this artful note, I determined 
not to leave anyhow under such an imputation. He may have lost his 
temper at Lee's victory at Chancellorsville without him. 

0th. Wrote this morning to the President ami asked for a court of in- 
quiry. 

Now, while on this subject, I will state that the request was 



168 Two Wars. 

not granted. Gen. J. R. Davis informed me that the President 
said to him my course needed no vindication, and Gen. Davis 
knew all the facts, and I presume he stated them to the Presi- 
dent. I wanted the court to investigate the cause of the sur- 
prise and capture of the garrison and Stribbling's two guns, and 
other matters named in my application for the court, if it were 
granted. 

I will explain, although it is a trifling matter, why I went to 
Petersburg. First, Longstreet wrote me to call and se» him 
as soon as my command crossed the Blackwater, but he left he- 
fore I passed over. Next, when I got to Zuni I had posted my 
troops all in their old positions on the line of the Blackwater 
as they were before Longstreet moved them to Suffolk; no 
Longstreet was at Zuni. 

Secondly, Petersburg was my headquarters, and from there I 
could communicate with Zuni and Franklin, on the Blackwater, 
by telegraph and railroad, and be in either place in a short time. 

Thirdly, Longstreet left Franklin without turning the com- 
mand of his two divisions over to me, and I presumed he was 
pressing forward with his command to the aid of Gen. Lee at 
Chancellorsville. who had called him to his assistance on the 27th 
of April, and so often afterwards. Continuing, my diary says: 

Busy the balance of the day in my office with official business. I did 
' not leave the city until 9 cm., when I took the cars for Franklin. I ar- 
rived there after 11 p.m. Found all quiet. Whilst I was in Petersburg 
Gen. Hood was impressing horses for cavalry service. Carriages, wag- 
ons, cai-ts, etc., from which the horses were unhitched, were left in the 
streets. 

8th. Changed headquarters to-day to Ivor. . , . 

9th. Arrived at Ivor at 10 a.m. Gen. J. R. Davis left to-day on leave. 

loth. Went to Petersburg and remained there all day following. 

15th. Started for Richmond. Saw Gens. Lee. Elzy. Cooper, Ransom, 
Ewell, and others. Dined with the Hon. Judge James Perkins. In the 
evening I went to the President's. I found him ill and suffering with a 
cough. I took tea with them. . . . 

16th. Saw the Secretary of War this morning. Spoke to him about 
leave of absence. Said it could not be granted. . . . 

28d. Went to the Blackwater bridge, where Jenkins's Brigade was. 
For exercise to the troops crossed over the river to feel the enemy, in 
force, on the other side. I took about three thousand men and four bat- 
teries of artillery. Col. Green, with two Mississippi regiments, advanced 
and drove in their pickets, and captured some property. Could not 
draw them out to attack us. After dark withdrew. 



Ordered to Mississippi. 169 

Wednesday. 27th. Went to Petersburg, intending to go to Fort Pow- 
hatan. Found there a dispatch informing me that I would lie ordered 
on the day following to report to Gen. J. E. Johnston in Mississippi. 

29th. No orders having been received, I went to Richmond to see 
about taking staff officers with me.. Gen. Cooper could allow me only my 
aids. Finally the Secretary of War gave me permission to take my adju- 
tant general, assistant adjutant general, quartermaster, and orderly. 
The Secretary of War told me thai Gen. Joseph E. Johnston had applied 
for an officer of the rank of major general, and as they knew I was ac- 
quainted with the country, he had ordered me. etc. 

As I had once been called on to submit a plan for the defense 
of the Mississippi river, and complied with the request, it might 
have had some influence on the .action of the Secretary. Be- 
sides. I had once declined duty at V T icksburg. (See letters from 
the President to Gen. Lee, War Records, page 71b, Vol. LI., 
No. 108 Serial, suggesting that I be sent to Mississippi.) 

Before I take leave of the arduous duties I had been perform- 
ing, of defending a line three hundred miles in length, of ex- 
change of prisoners, examining correspondence, obtaining sup- 
plies, etc., I will refer to some matters again relating to the 
.siege of Suffolk, about which I made no report. I have alluded 
to Gen. Longstreet taking my troops without consulting me, 
and his movements on to Suffolk, and his attempts to have (ion. 
Jenkins keep the command of them. 1 am quite sure it was 
Hood's chief of artillery who asked my artillery officer for 
guns to place in the works on the Nansemond river, and to which 
I gave my consent. It was not Gen. Law, because he protested 
t. hen ordered to garrison the fort. But this matters not. The 
garrison and the guns formed a part of Hood's command, and 
yet (I am told) both Pollard and a clerk in the Rebel War Office 
state in their books that I lost " Stribbling's battery;" and yet, 
most erroneous of all, Longstreet in his book states "that a bat- 
tery was put on a neck of land and captured by the enemy." 
He fails to state that the fort and garrison therein were cap- 
tured, which of course includes the arms and the guns. 

The great events of war often hinge on some small matter not 
obvious to an ordinary commander, but which, at a glance, would 
be visible to the eye of the great captain, and provided for in 
his plans for a victory. The commander of a remote supporting 
corps is presumed, when alone, to be able to consider carefully 
everything that might occur to prevent an immediate compliance 



170 Two Wai.'S. 

with any expected order, especially that of a prompt and rapid 
movement to the aid of his chief, the moment the call is made; 
and Longstreet awaited t/nit cull. 

Now from Suffolk to Zuni messages were passed rapidly by 
the best of signal men. Thence by telegraph to Petersburg, 
Richmond, and on to Gen. Lee. On the 21st of April Gen. Lee 
reported the enemy was at Kelly's Ford: that Hooker was put- 
ting his army in motion; the 28th they crossed the Rappahan- 
nock; the 29th they crossed the Rapidan, and skirmishing com- 
menced near Chancellorsville. On the 30th the armies w ere face 
to face. 

From this it will he seen that Gen. Lee sounded the notes of 
warning to Longstreet as early as the 21st of April, and Norris 
on the 21st (as chief signal officer) informed him Hooker was 
moving with one hundred and fifty thousand men. nine days be- 
fore he crossed the Rappahannock near Chancellorsville and was 
confronted by Lee. As soon as the plans or intentions of the 
enemy were further divined, Lee took measures to concentrate 
his forces. To (Jen. Longstreet, with his army corps a1 Suffolk, 
he sent urgent dispatches, ten of which I copy from the War 
Department Records (Vol. 25, Part 2) as follows: 
No. l. Page 763. 

GEN. COOPER TO GEN. LEE. 

Richmond, Mav 1. L863. 

i •■ i >: E. Lee, Fredericksburg. Va. 

Orders were sent on Wednesday (the 29th of April) to Gen. Longstreet 
to move forward his command to reenforee you. He replied he would do 
so immediately, but expected to be a little delayed in gathering up his 
transportation train to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, 
then in sight, s. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. 

No. 2. Page 752 
K. /•;. lee to the ei;esihe.\ r. 
Headquarters, Arm? of Northern Virginia, April ::. 1863. 

His Excellency, Jefferson Davis, President of th<- Confederate St tes. 

Mr. President: I have written to Gen. Longstreet to expedite, as much 
as possible, his operations in North Carolina, as I may be obliged to call 
him back at any moment. ... R. E. Lee, General. 

NO. x. Page 7:>7. 

GEN. S. COOPER TO GEN. I>. II. HILL. 

Richmond, Va.. April 29, L863. 

Maj. Gen. D. H. Hill, Commanding, Goldsboro, N. C. 

General: The following telegram has just been received from Gen. Lee 




I!< >bert E. Lee. 



Notes of Warning. 173 

The enemy is crossing below Deep Run. about the same place as before. 
. . . Where his m;iin efforts will be made I cannot say. Troops not 
wanted south of James river had better be moved in this direction, and 
all other necessary preparations made. 

This renders it important that such forces as you deem judicious should 
be concentrated at Richmond, to be in supporting distance. Gen. Lee 
may telegraph you. . . . A like dispatch has been sent to Lieut. Gen. 
Longstn i /. 

I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspt ctor General 

No. 4. Pake 7.">7. 
GEN. COOPER TO GEN. LONGSTREET. 
(Jen. Longstreet. 

The following dispatch has just been received from Gen. Lee; 

Fredericksburg, Va„ April 29, 1863. 
The enemy is in large force on the north bank of the Rappahannock op- 
posite the railroad at Hamilton's crossing. He is crossing troops below 
the point at which he crossed in December. . . . I hear of no other 
point at which he is crossing except below Kelly's Ford, where Gen. How- 
ard has crossed with his division, said to be fourteen thousand, six pieces 
of artillery, and some cavalry. . . . All available troops had better be 
sent forward as rapidly as possible. 

S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. 

No. 5. Page 758. 

gen. cooper to gen. longstreet. 

Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, | 
Richmond. Va., April 29, 1863. i 

Lient. Nen Longstreet. 

The following telegram just received since the one already communi- 
cated to you: 

If any troops can be sent by rail to Gordonsville, under a good officer, 
I recommend it. Longstreet's Division, if available, had b< tU r come tome; 
and the troops for Gordonsville and the protection of the railroad, from 
Richmond and North Carolina if practicable. Gen. Howard, of the ene- 
my's forces making toward Gordonsville. . . . 

The Secretary, in view of the above, directs the return of your command, 
or at least such portions of it as can be spared without serious risk; also 
any surplus force that can be spared from D. H. Hill. . . . These move- 
ments are required to be made withthe utmost dispatch. 

S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. 

No. 6. Page 758. 

SECRETARY SEDDON TO GEN. COO PEL'. 

War Department, C. S. A., April 29, 1863. 

(Jen. Cooper. 

Dear General: Gen. Lee telegraphs that all available force at our com- 



174 Two Wars. 

mand be sent at once by rail or otherwise toward Gordonsville. . . . 
Telegraph French at Petersburg to send all available force at his com- 
mand. . . . J. A. Seddon, Secretary of War. 

No. 7. Page 758. 

SECRETARY OF WAR TO GEN. COOPER. 

War Office, Richmond, April 29, 1863. 

•Gen. Cooper. 

Gen. Lee. by another telegram just sent the President, says: ". . . 
Longstreet's Division, if available, had better come to me. . . ." 

J. A. Seddon, Secretary. 

No. 8. p AGE 700. 

GEN. COOPER To GEN. LONGSTREET. 

Richmond, Va., April 30. 1863. 

Lieut. Gen. James Longstreet, Suffolk. Va. 

Move without delay your command to this place, to effect a junction 
with Gen. Lee. S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. 

No. 9. Page 761. 

GEN. LEE TO PRESIDENT DA VIS 

Fredebicksbi kg, April 30, 1863. 

His Excellency, President Davis. 

. . . Enemy was still crossing the Rappahannock at 5 p.m. yester- 
day. . . . Object evidently to turn my left. . . . If 1 hail Long- 
street's Division. I would feel safe. R. E. Lee, General. 

NO. to. Page 765. 

GES. LONGSTREET To GEN. COOPER. 

Si FFOLK, Va.. May "J. 1 Mi- 
Gen. Cooper. 

I cannot move unless the entire force is moved; and it would then take 
several days to reach Fredericksburg. I will endeavor to moveassoonas 
possible. James Longstreet, Lieutenant General Commanding. 

" Responsibility cannot exist without a name," or an object. 

Perhaps Longstreet delayed to execute these orders for the 
reason lie states (page 329), that there was a "plan of battle 
projected " — that is, "to stand behind our intrenched lines and 
await tht return of my troops from Suffolk." "And my im- 
pression is that Gen. Lee, standing under his trenches, would 
have been stronger against Hooker than he was in December 
against Burnside, and he would have grown stronger every 



Waiting for the Wagons. 175 

hour of delay." "By the time the divisions of Pickett and 
Hood could have joined Gen. Lee, Hooker would have found 
that he must march to attack or make a retreat without battle. 
It seems probable that under tht original plan the battle would 
have given fruits worthy of a general engagement." 

Longstreet's first dispatch disclosed his intentions to L< > . 
and Lee wisely decided not to wait ten or twelve days for 
Longstreet to join him. Moreover, it is not probable that Lee 
thought Hooker would he so knightly as to await the arrival of 
the Suffolk troops before giving battle. Longstreet does not 
deal even in the conjectural, for it is not based on any evidence: 
he merely guesses. 

But it is better to deal with the possible. 

Two brigades could have been withdrawn from before Suf- 
folk on the night of the 27th of April and sent to join Gen. 
Lee. then the main force on the night of the 28th. There is 
no doubt about this. In this event the enemy could have passed 
the 29th in discovering our intentions. Rather than crossing 
the Nansemond river and giving us battle, they would have 
awaited orders, and probably been sent to Fredericksburg to 
aid Hooker; but this is not important. 

On the 28th he could have ordered Gen. D. H. Hill, then at 
Goldsboro, to have protected the train, called on Whiting at 
Wilmington for aid. while I had a division at Franklin on the 
Blackwater, and forces elsewhere which would no doubt have 
saved the train from the enemy. His tirst dispatch is very mis- 
leading, and does not convey the idea that he would sit down and 
wait six days for the wagons before he withdrew. While this 
was going on at Suffolk, the heroic "Stonewall' 1 Jackson was 
marching to the right and rear of Hooker's army, and when it 
was announced to him that the enemy was capturing his wagon 
train, without checking the walk of his horse he said: " Do not 
let them capture any ammunition wagons.'" What value were 
his baggage wagons compared to the loss of even a few minutes 
in accomplishing the great object of his movement, on which 
victory depended. To his master mind before him was the en- 
emy, the impending battle, the victory, and the reward due to 
genius of battle, with all the spoils of war strewn in the con- 
queror's path. And it was so. And thus it was that Long- 
street, by not effecting a junction with Lee, "put the causi 



176 Two Wars. 

upon the hazard of a die, crippling it in resources and future 
progress." (See Longstreet, p. 330.) 

Mark Antony, in his speech over the dead Caesar, said: 
"Power in most men has brought their faults to light. Power 
in Caesar brought into prominence his excellencies." 

So power given Lee made known to the world the nobility 
of his character and greatness as a commander; while in others 
it disclosed a spirit of envy and a desire for detraction: and in 
all sonic peculiarities. Lee was not conscious of his strength, 
because his greatness of soul was derived from his goodness of 
heart, and it rested upon him with the ease and grace of a gar- 
ment. His generosity induced him to overlook the frailty in- 
cident to humanity, and to forgive even disobedience in his 
lieutenants. He remembered what Job said about a book, and 
wrote none. He envied no one. He left no writings extant 
naming- an enemy, and his harshest remark in reference to an 
officer of high rank was. in effect, that he was "slow to move." 

The official reports show that Hooker had 161J491 men and 
iOO guns. Lee's forces numbered 58,100 men, with 170 guns. 
This was known to Lee's lieutenants. 

The publication of the Official Record by Congress discloses 
the fact that Mr. Seddou induced Gen. Lee to send Gen. Long- 
street with Hood's and Pickett's Divisions to cover Richmond, 
which he thought menaced from Fortress Monroe and Suffolk. 
Lee thought Pickett's Division sufficient. (Official Record. 
Vol. 22, p. 623. ) 

I had the name and reported strength of every regiment in 
both Suffolk and Norfolk, obtained from blockade runners and 
verified by prisoners. Suffolk had no strategic value to the 
enemy of any import, and none to us. In 1862 I designed the 
taking of Suffolk, and on an appointed day assembled some eight 
or nine thousand troops at Franklin, on the Blackwater. The 
only officers who had any knowledge of this were Gens. (t. \Y. 
Smith, in Richmond, and J. J. Pettigrew. It was stopped, the 
morning the troops assembled, by Gen. (i. W. Smith on strate- 
gic grounds and it not being a depot of supplies: and he was 
right. And when Secretary Seddon, against Lee'sadvice, joined 
witn Longstreet in moving on Suffolk so late in the spring, he 
or Longstreet committed an error, the consequence of which was 
Lee had to tight Hooker with the force just stated; without the 



The Hazard of a Die. 177 

aid of his lieutenant general. Who was it, then, that put the 
"Confederacy on the hazard of a die?" 

Hooker would never have embarked his great army on the 
Potomac at Aquia, and carried them back where they had once 
been under Gen. McClellan, and Richmond was not in danger, 
and Longstreet's expedition to Suffolk not in accordance with 
grand strategy; and but for Lee's audacity, and Stonewall Jack- 
son's swift movements and vigorous blows at Chancellorsville, 
the Confederacy would have been there shattered into fragments, 
and all by one false movement to Suffolk. 

"Fortune loves a daring suitor." 

Lee threw down the iron glove, and the daring suitor won ! 
It was the most remarkable victory of the war, but by the ab- 
sence of those divisions, and the death of Stonewall Jackson, the 
large fruits of the victory were lost. 
12 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Leave Petersburg for Jackson, Miss. — Visit Home — My Division Composed 
of the Brigades of Gens. Maxey, Evans, and McNair — Extraordinary 
Correspondence between Gen. Johnston and President Davis — Move- 
ments to Attack Grant at Vicksburg — Fall of Vicksburg — Retreat to 
Jackson —Siege of Jackson — Visit Home — Negro Troops Surround the 
House — Narrow Escape — Vandalism — Johnston Takes Command of the 
Army of Tennessee — Polk in Command of Army of Mississippi — A Court 
of Inquiry That Was Not Held — My Division at Meridian — President 
Davis — Jackson Burned — Sherman's Advance on Meridian — Ordered to 
Mobile — Polk Crossing Tombigbee River — He Is Slow to Move — Go to 
Demopolis — Mr. Founier — Sent to Lauderdale — Tuscaloosa — Monteval- 
lo — Reach Rome— Fight at Rome— Join Gen. Johnston at Cassville. 

ON Wednesday, June 3, 1863, I started in accordance with 
orders from Petersburg to report to Gen. J. E. Johnston 
in Mississippi. I arrived in Jackson on the 10th. Next day 
reported for duty; but as I had not been home since I joined the 
army, and the service was not pressing, got permission to vis- 
it my family. I went by stage to Yazoo City, and by chance 
met my neighbor, F. A. Metcalf , there, and together we crossed 
the Yazoo bottoms. Riding horseback, sixty-five miles the last 
day, I reached my home on Deer Creek at 11 p.m., and found my 
mother, sister, and little daughter, aged nearly eight years, all 
well. I remained at home Monday, the 15th, and started back 
on the 16th. Before I reached home Mr. Bowie, my agent, had 
gone to Georgia with seventy-eight of my negro servants, leav- 
ing twenty-live here to cultivate a corn crop. I joined my di- 
vision, composed of the brigades of Gens. Maxey, McNair, and 
Evans, on the 24tli, encamped at Mrs. Carraw T ay's, in Madison 
County, near Livingston; put Gen. Evans in arrest by order 
of Gen. Johnston. I was in camp the 25th and the two days 
following. 

Before proceeding any farther in reference to military matters 
in Mississippi, I will give some rich correspondence that took 
place between Gen. Johnston and President Davis and which I 
knew nothing about until months after it occurred. Here it is. 
(See page 195, War Records, Serial 3(5. ) 




JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON. 



Officers of Northern Birth. 181 

Canton, Miss., June 9, 1863. \ 

_. TO „ „ Via Montgomery. June 10. 

His Excellency, President Davis. J 

It has been suggested to me that the troops in this department are very 
hostile to officers of Northern birth, and that on that account Maj. Gen. 
French's arrival will weaken instead of strengthening us. I beg you to 
consider that all the general officers of Northern birth are on duty in this 
department, There is now a want of major generals (discipline). It is 
important to avoid any cause of further discontent. J. E. Johnston. 

THE ANSWER. 

T „ , ,. Richmond, Va.. June 11, 1863. 

Oen. J. E. Johnston. 

Your dispatch received. Those who suggest that the arrival of Gen. 
French will produce discontent among the troops because of his Northern 
birth are not probably aware that he is a citizen of Mississippi, was a 
wealthy planter until the Yankees robbed him; and, before the Confeder- 
ate States had an army, was the chief of ordnance and artillery in the force 
Mississippi raised to maintain her right of secession. As soon as Missis- 
sippi could spare him he was appointed a brigadier general in the Provi- 
sional Army of the Confederate States, and has frequently been before the 
enemy where he was the senior officer. If malignity should undermine 
him, as it had another, you are authorized to notify him of the fact and to 
relieve him, communicating it to me by telegram. 

Surprised by your remark as to the general officers of Northern birth, I 
turned to the register, and find that a large majority of the number are 
elsewhere than in the Department of Mississippi and eastern Louisiana. 

Jefferson Davis. 

Men of Northern birth who held high rank in the Confedera- 
cy: Samuel Cooper, general, New Jersey; Josiah Gorgas, chief 
of ordnance, Pennsylvania; John C. Pemberton, general, Penn- 
sylvania; Charles Clark, general and Governor of Mississippi, 
Ohio; Daniel Ruggles, general, Massachusetts; Walter H. Stev- 
ens, general, New York; Julius A. DeLagnel, New Jersey; John 
R. Cooke, general, Missouri; R. S. Ripley, general, Ohio; 
Hoffman Stevens, general, Connecticut; Samuel G. French, gen- 
eral, New Jersey; Bushrod R. Johnson, general, Ohio; James 
L. Alcorn, general, Illinois (was Governor and United States 
Senator); Danville Leadbetter, general, Maine; Archibald Gra- 
de, general, New York; William McComb, general, Pennsylva- 
nia; Otho French Strahl, general, Ohio; Daniel M. Frost, gen- 
eral, New York; Albert G. Blanchard, general, Massachusetts; 
Johnson K. Duncan, general, Pennsylvania; Albert Pike, gen- 
eral, Massachusetts; Daniel H. Reynolds, general, Ohio; Ed- 
ward Aylesworth Perry, general, Massachusetts; Francis A. 



182 Two Wars. 

Shoup, general, Indiana; Martin L. Smith, general, New York; 
Franklin Gardner, general, New York. 

A brief sketch of these men was published in the Atlanta 
Constitution by Prof. J. T. Deny. The number is twenty-six, 
and twelve of them were educated at West Point. They believed 
in the right of States to secede, and, owing allegiance to the 
States where they lived or wished to reside, they cast their lot 
with the South. 

July 1. 1863. Moved to some springs on the Vernon and Brownsville 
road . 

2d. Moved at 4 a.m.; marched through Brownsville. I slept under a 
tree last night, but have an abandoned house to-night. 

3d. Rode over to meet Gen. Johnston. There were present Gens. Lor- 
ing, W. H. T. Walker, Jackson, and myself. If there be any one thing in 
this part of the country more difficult than all others, it is to find a person 
who knows the roads ten miles from his home. Nine hours were spent in 
vainly attempting to get accurate information from the citizens respect- 
ing t he roads and streams. But little could be learned of the country on 
either side of the Big Black that was satisfactory, because it was so con- 
fcradicfcory. 

July 4. Anniversary of a declaration that was read eighty-seven years 
ago, and which awakened a benighted world to the fact that man was born 
w ith certain inalienable rights. All was still in the direction of Vicksburg. 
What does it portend? No firing there yet, and it is 12 M. But there is 
always something to mar one's pleasure or disturb his rest, for now came 
the news that the enemy had crossed Messenger's Ferry, on the Big 
Black. . . . 

5th. Remained in camp. Some skirmishing on the Big Black. The 
order of Gen. Johnston to cross the Big Black and attack Grant's new line 
was issued. I soon after received news of the surrender of Vicksburg, and 
il was determined to fall back toward Jackson. The enemy's camp fires 
extend about three miles on the other side of the stream. . . . 

6th. My division in advance. Moved by Queen's Hill Church tosome 
ponds near Clinton. The day was very hot and the dust simply awful. I 
took breakfast with J. E. Davis, brother of the President. . . . 

8th. We reached Jackson yesterday at 2 P.M. Enemy at Clinton. I 
rode around with Gen. Johnston to examine the line. It is miserably lo- 
cated and not half completed. 

9th. This morning I was awakened at 2 a.m. to take my division to the 
trendies. 

10th. All day there has been heavy fighting. In front of Gen. Evans 
the enemy has got so near that they render it difficult to man the guns. . . . 

11th. The order of the divisions of the army that encircle Jackson, from 
the river above the city to the river below, is as follows, beginning <>n the 
right: Loring, Walker, French, and Breckinridge. Fighting commenced 
early this morning, and the firing was rapid all along the line. About 11 



Gov. Pettus. 183 

A.M. we drove the enemy from their lines and burned a number of houses 
that they occupied. 

From now on to the 16th the usual occurrences of cannonad- 
ing, dismounting pieces, fighting all the time, continued. Cot- 
ton bales were set on fire that were used for breastworks, flags 
of truce to bury the dead passed, shells are falling all over the 
town. The Governor of the State, Pettus, is in the city about 
the capitol. ' He goes over the river at night to prevent being 
captured. He believes the main object of the expedition is to 
capture Mm. Well, he has his early wishes gratified. The 
Yankees have set their feet on the sacred soil of his domain! 
Where are his double-barrel shotguns to ambuscade the Yan- 
kees ? 

16th. Met at Gen. Johnston's to consider the order of evacuating the 
town. At 10 p.m. troops were withdrawn from the trenches, and at 1 a.m. 
the advanced skirmishers. We reached Brandon at 8 a.m. Two of Evans's 
men were left, accidentally, on the skirmish line with some amateur. sol- 
diers, and in the morning when they awoke they found themselves alone. 
The enemy did not discover our departure until late. 

While in camp near Brandon 1 was taken sick with remittent 
fever, and was granted a leave of absence and left for Colum- 
bus, Ga., and made my home with Judge G. E. Thomas. When 
my leave was out I received a dispatch from Gen. J. E. John- 
ston to remain in Columbus, as I would be required as a witness 
for him before a Court of Inquiry to be held in Atlanta. 

I remained in Columbus and at the Warm Springs most of the 
month of September, and then went to Enterprise, Miss. 

October 19. Received a dispatch to move to Meridian, prepared to take 
the field. Found the President at the hotel, and had an interview with 
him alone. 

November 7. Moved my command to Meridian. 

14th. Started to make a visit to my family at my home in Washing- 
ton County. I took with me Lieut. James R. Yerger, one of my aids, and 
Levi, one of my servants. 

16th. We left Canton with two cavalrymen as a guard; crossed the 
Yazoo at Yazoo City. About sunset we reached Col. Fall's plantation, on 
Deer Creek. The enemy had passed there the day previous. Crossing 
the creek at Judge Ruck's plantation (Judge Ruck is my aid's grandfather), 
we met an old negro man leading a pony over the bridge. Lieut. Yerger 
knew the old man, and asked what he was doing with the pony. He said 
the Yankees were on the creek about three miles below my house, and he was 
saving his pony. In the dark we were not recognized by the old servant. 



184 Two Wars. 

But for meeting this old servant we should have ridden into the camp of 
the Yankees. After a while we recrossed the creek and rode on up to 
Eleck Yerger*s, called him up, and slept in his parlor. He confirmed the 
negro's statement about the Yankees being on the other side of the creek. 
I got a cup of coffee, or something else (think it was the latter), and rode 
on up the creek till we got opposite my house. 

It is the 19th of November. Indian summer: the sky hazy, and a drowsy 
sleepiness rested over the landscape. Seeing a crow resting himself on 
the front gatepost, I dismounted and crossed to my home. I found moth- 
er, sister, and my little Tillie all well. They were surprised and delighted 
to see us. and then they were frightened also. They said the Yankees were 
a mile or two above us, and two miles below us. 

20th. I put a faithful male slave on the upper galleiy to watch the 
roads, and especially to report if any dust was raised on the road, and then 
I was content for the day. However 1 thought the "Yanks " were too near, 
and that my being at home would be made known, so I ordered the horses 
to be at the door at 5 p.m. to ride down the creek to a neighbor's ten miles 
below, and the family to come clown next clay to where I was going. I 
Avas implored not to go, but I resisted entreaties. We rode across the 
plantation to Metcalf's house. My servant knocked at the door and re- 
ceived no response. Mrs. Metcalf came out by_a side door and exclaimed: 
"Gen. French, you must not cross the creek. Look at the camp fires of 
the Yankees just in front of you! " I asked for Mr. Metcalf, and was told 
he had tied to the woods. His agent was on the fence watching for the 
•'Yanks." It was now quite dark. Notwithstanding all this advice, we 
forded the creek and I went forward to reconnoiter. I found no pickets, 
so. it being late, we went into the woods and rested for the night. 

21st. We mounted our horses and rode out to reconnoiter. We met 
Mr. Metcalf. I learned that two white Yankee officers and a company of 
colored soldiers surrounded my house about ten minutes after we left it. 
So as we were crossing the field east, this company was in the field com- 
ing up from the south. The negroes surrounded the dwelling, and the of- 
ficers entered to capture me. They were told I had left. This did not 
satisfy them. My sister took a light and went with one officer and let him 
search all the rooms and closets upstairs. Then she told him where the 
steps were, and insisted that he should go up into the cockloft to be sure 
that I was not there. He declined, saying it was an unpleasant duty he 
was sent to perform, and apologized for the trouble he had given the fam- 
ily. When my sister returned to the sitting room the other officer had 
my United States army uniform coat in his hand. He told her it Avas 
a contraband article, and as such he would take it. She replied: "I 
know you are going to steal it, and to relieve your conscience from re- 
morse I will give you the coat. It is my brother's, but he would scorn to 
wear it with those badges on it." He declined to accept it, but as a con- 
traband article he would take it. She then asked him if contraband ar- 
ticles were the property of the individual, and he answered: "I shall make 
a report of my visit to the commanding officer." During these proceed- 
ings the "First Colored Native Mississippi Cavalry " stole two mules and 



Colored Yankees. 185 

ahorse, all we had on the place. And I will here remark that my dear 
friend (classmate and roommate at West Point), Gen. Fred Steele, had 
in the spring carried off thirty-five fine mules for the benefit of the United 
States. He sincerely apologized to my mother for this act. but it was an 
order of Gen. Grant's that he had to execute. But more of this anon. 

November 22. This is my birthday. After I learned that the blacks 
came so near capturing me 1 determined to let mother know that I was 
not captured, so 1 went back home and took breakfast with them. Bid- 
ding them good-by, I tried to console them, but it was with a bitter heart 
that I left them alone without a horse to send a servant in ease of any ne- 
cessity. During the night we saw a fire down the creek, and when I got 
back to where I left my aid I learned that the enemy set fire to Judge Shall 
Yerger's house while the family were asleep, and they barely escaped 
alive. The Yankees, colored ones, being mainly on the right bank, we 
traveled down the left, in the rear of the plantations, to Bogue Phalia. 
Away out in this wilderness of woods, at Dr. Harper's, we were treated to 
a bottle of champagne. We drank it on the banks of that meandering 
stream out of tin cups; it was good all the same. We went on to Mr. 
Heathman's, on Indian Bayou, to stay all night, My two guards, innocent- 
ly going up Devv ( 'reek, rode into a camp of negro troops and were fired 
at in the dark, and lied to this place. As we rode up to the house the two 
soldiers came out with their carbines, but Mr. Heathman (a featherbed 
ranger) jumped out the window and hid back in the rear, and no calling 
induced him to come back. About twelve o'clock at night he came up, 
peeped in the window, saw we were not Yankees, and came in. But his 
supper had vanished. . . . 

25th. I arrived at Jackson, or where Jackson once was. and found it 
in ruins, it having been burned down by " childlike and bland " Sherman. 
Now I first heard of the defeat of Bragg at Missionary Ridge yesterday, No- 
vember 25, and felt very gloomy. 

December G. I received orders to move the brigades of Ector and Mc- 
Nair to Brandon with the batteries, ('apt. C. D. Myers left to-night. He 
is a gentleman and a good officer. His home is in Wilmington, N. C. 

13th. Gen. Johnston arrived yesterday. Gen. J. K. Lidell remained 
in camp with me Friday and Saturday. 

14th. Capt. J. M. Baldwin left this morning for Columbus, Ga., taking 
with him my servant, John Sharp. He is not in the service now, and goes 
there as my agent to care for my servants taken out there. 

17th to 22d. Gen. Johnston ordered to the command of the Army of 
Tennessee. Lieut. Gen. Polk in command of this department now. To- 
morrow Gen. Johnston will leave for the Army of Tennessee, much to my 
regret, 

December 24. This morning Gen. Polk sent for me and told me that he 
would start for Enterprise at once, and we rode down to the depot togeth- 
er. The cars had left, and he took a locomotive and started after the 
train. During the ride he said he wished me to go to Jackson and put the 
railroad and the bridges in repair. In the afternoon we drove to Jack- 
son. At Mrs. Ruck's we had tableau and charades. Women are never 



186 Two Wars. 

suppressed, always cheerful. How many of the Yerge'r families were there'.' 
There are five brothers, all lawyers, and good ones. 

26th. Returned to Brandon. Nothing of note occurred between the 
26th and 30th. 

Judge Shall Yerger was a neighbor of mine on Deer Creek, 
near Greenville, Miss. He was an eminent jurist and able ju< Ige. 
He maintained almost absolute silence in his court. Except 
those engaged in a case, no one was permitted to talk above 
a whisper. He was fond of telling anecdotes to good and ap- 
preciative listeners. His aversion to the use of liquor wjis 
marked, and he condemned playing cards for money. 

Now it happened in some way that the grand jury of Wash- 
ington County had indicted his nephew, who w^as sheriff of the 
county. Dr. Fin ley, and some others for playing cards for mon- 
ey. At the meeting of the court, when the nephew's case was 
called he pleaded guilty, and, after some good advice, the judge 
imposed on him a tine of fifty dollars. When Dr. Finley's case 
was before the court his attorney dec-la red the witness was re- 
vealing the secrets of the bedchamber. Yet he was found guilty 
on two indictments. The Judge sat in a rocking-chair, and be- 
fore he pronounced sentence he occupied about ten minutes in 
delivering a homily on the impropriety of an accomplished gen- 
tleman, who by his profession had the entree to all the best fam- 
ilies, who should, while perhaps the shadow of death was hovering 
over his patient, be so indifferent as to play cards and distress 
the family, . . . ending in lining the Doctor fifty dollars in 
each case in the most imperturbable manner, and saying the Doc- 
tor would stand committed until the fine was paid. To this the 
Doctor observed: " May it please your honor, you know that we 
all keep our funds in New Orleans, and 1 can only pay by a 
draft." He was informed that was a matter between him and 
the officers of the court, So he finally sat down, and as the 
Judge was indebted to Finley for professional services, he drew 
the check on him, and handed it to the sheriff, who gave it to 
the clerk, who in turn passed it to the Judge. He glanced over 
it. all the while rocking gently, and without a change of coun- 
tenance handed it back to the clerk with the quiet remark: " Th 
court remits the fine imposed on Dr. Finley" 

On landing in Vicksburg one day, and when walking to the 
hotel, he was met by a man to whom he owed a small bill, who, 



Vandalism. 187 

after the usual salutations of the day, said to the Judge: " I have 
some debts to pay, and I wish you would hand me the small 
amount you owe me." "Sir," said the Judge, "have you the 
audacity to ask me to pay my debts while your own are unpaid ( 
Go and pay your debts first, then you can with propriety ask me 
to pay mine," and left him to analyze the sophistry of his advice. 
When Gen. Frederick Steele was sent to Deer Creek by Gen. 
Grant to destroy all mills that could supply the garrison in Vicks- 
burg with flour, and bring away the live stock, he reached Judge 
Shall Yerger's about noon, and he and his staff were invited to 
dine with them. Steele gave positive orders only to break the 
machinery of the grain mill, and to burn nothing. While they 
were at dinner a servant woman rushed into the dining room and 
exclaimed: "O missus, the ginhouse is on tire." Mrs. Yerger 
rose from her seat in great excitement, but the Judge said in the 
most quiet manner: " Sit down, my dear, sit down; Gen. Steele's 
troops are doing this complimentary to us for the hospitality 
shown him." Gen. Steele left the table, and in every way tried 
to discover who set the building on fire, and failed. Steele was 
a gentleman always. 

31st. This morning it was springlike, but after a while far distant 
thunder was heard. Nearer and nearer it came, until at last the storm 
burst on us in all its fury. The rain was violent, accompanied with hail- 
stones as large as hen's eggs. Next, the wind veered around to the north- 
west, and it became very cold and snow fell. After dark two men brought 
to the office a benevolent man from Connecticut, a prisoner, and some pa- 
pers that were found on his person. From these I discovered that he was 
cultivating some plantations in cotton on the banks of the Mississippi, near 
Red River. That he had permits from the Freedmen's Bureau to visit his 
plantation between certain gunboat stations at will, etc. He was, he ar- 
gued, doing the work of a Christian in cultivating abandoned lands, 
bringing wealth out of the earth, giving employment to the idle, in mak- 
ing the slaves work, etc. I asked him whose place he was on, or made his 
home. He told me. I inquired if the owner was on the plantation. He 
replied in the affirmative. To another question he said that he occupied 
the dwelling and the proprietor the overseer's house, and then gave the 
details of working the crop and dividing the same. I did not agree with 
him, and told the guard, who had heard all, to put him in the guardhouse 
in the town. They wished to carry him to camp. I would not permit it. 
Next day I sent him to Gen. Polk. He was no doubt a charitable man. for 
he had left his New England home, and was kindly cultivating these plan- 
tations to prevent them from growing up in weeds and briers, but there 
were some facts that upset his theory of philanthropy. 



188 Two Wars. 

January 1. 1864. It is very cold, and the ground is frozen hard. I 
dined at Mr. Proctor's. Among the guests were Drs. Langley and Thorn- 
ton, Capt. Smith, and Mr. Whitfield. . . . 

7th. Received orders to move my command to Meridian. For want of 
transportation, troops were not sent until the 9th. On the 10th, when I 
left Brandon, people were sliding, and some skating, on the pond near the 
depot. Ice two inches thick. During the remainder of January there is 
nothing in my diary worth recording here. 

February 1. This morning I was directed to hold my division in readi- 
ness to move to Jackson. On the evening of the 2d I was sent for by ( ien. 
Polk and told to move as soon as possible. I reached Jackson at 5 P.M. on 
the 4th. I found Gen. S. D. Lee about sixteen miles in front of Jackson 
skirmishing with the enemy, who were advancing on Jackson under Shei-- 
man. Telegraphed Gen. Polk that the enemy. 25,000 strong, was advan- 
cing, and their destination, Meridian. Also wrote him to the same effect. 
I had now in Jackson only 2,200 men, and I had no artillery horses, no wag- 
ons, no ambulances. 

5th. In constant communication with Gen. S. D. Lee and Gen. Loring. 
I informed the latter that the enemy would be in Jackson before he could 
get here. So Loring went to Madison Station, and said he would cross the 
Pearl river at Culley's Ferry. All stores were now sent to Meridian, and 
stores from Brandon were ordered to be sent early. The enemy pressed 
Lee hard. By every telegram Lee said he wished to swing to the left and 
not cross the river, and remain west of the Pearl. 

I telegraphed Gen. Forrest the strength and position of the enemy. In 
the evening I received a dispatch from Polk to continue labor on the rail- 
road. Indiscreet order to execute to-day, and I will postpone it. At 4 p. M. 
I crossed the river and started the troops for Brandon, hastened the load- 
ing of the trains, and then myself and staff returned to the city. I found 
the Federal troops in possession of the western part of the town, so we 
turned round and had a race with their troops for the bridge (a pontoon 
bridge) and ordered it taken up. As the end was being cut loose one of 
Gen. Lee's staff officers (his doctor) sprung his horse on the bridge and 
cried out that Lee's force was in the city and would have to cross here. 
Replaced it. At this moment the enemy lined the high bank and opened 
fire on us. We soon threw some of the plank into the river and knocked 
the bottoms out of the boats. Lee got out of the city by the Canton road. 
Under fire of their batteries, in the dark, the infantry marched for Bran- 
don. Maj. Storrs, my chief of artillery, a most gallant man, was left be- 
hind to get his horses out of the cars and bring on the guns, which he did 
under fire of the enemy. I left a squadron of cavalry to watch the ene- 
my at the crossing. Next day I moved on toward Barrett's mills. 

On my arrival in Jackson I telegraphed Lee that I would join him, and 
also sent to him my aid, Yerger. with the message that I would join him 
and risk a battle if he advised it. He thought it not proper to do so con- 
sidering Loring had declined to give battle. On the 7th, nioved on and 
encamped near Morton. I found Loring here with his division. 

8th. This morning Loring placed the whole force present at my com- 



The Warrior Bishop. 189 

mand to face about, form line of battle, and give the enemy a fight. I 
formed this line two miles from town. Some skirmishing ensued. We 
held a good position and the troops were in fine spirits, but the enemy 
would not attack us. At a council held it was deemed best to continue to 
fall back and await the arrival of Baldwin's Brigade and Lee with his cav- 
alry, so we marched all night to Hillsboro. All this time the enemy spread 
the report that they were en route for Mobile. 

9th. Gen. Polk arrived this morning. He had been at Mobile, caught 
the contagion, and ordered me at once to Newton Station with the brigades 
of Quarles, McNair, Ector, and Cockrell, there to take trains and proceed 
to Mobile, take command, and defend the city, as I outranked Gen. Maury. 
After a tedious march all night we reached the station, thirty miles distant, 
by daybreak. Here I found trains enough for the brigades of Quarles and 
McNair. These two brigades, after arriving at Meridian, were carried to 
Mobile. About noon Polk arrived and told me to remain, as Gen. Maury 
was sent there by the War Department. Loring marched by dirt road. 

11th. This afternoon the brigades of Ector and Cockrell. and the re- 
maining batteries left for Meridian, where we arrived before dark. These 
two brigades were detained, and did not go to Mobile. 

14th. At 7 p.m. started for Almucha, and after a tedious march en- 
camped beyond the town. Next day marched to Gaston. 

16th. Started early this morning, my division in advance. Gen. Polk's 
headquarter wagons and coivs took the road to Moscow, and we to Lewis's 
Ferry. Reached there at 11 a.m. Found the engineers there with three 
steamers and three (decked) scows, with which to make a pontoon bridge 
over the Tombigbee. It was apparent that they would not span the river. 
The steamer Admiral came down and "rounded to," and then started 
down the river at full speed. She was necessary for the bridge, so I sent 
the steamer Clipper after her, with Lieut. Freeman and a guard on board, 
to capture her. She was overtaken six miles below and brought back. 

It was now 12 m., and nothing had been done to bridge the river. My 
advanced train had reached the river at 2 p.m. the day previous, and were 
crossing the wagons on scows, and by dusk had eighty on the other side. 
At 1:30 p.m., Gen. Polk arrived, and in his presence I remarked to the en- 
gineer officer that "it was time to go to work," when the General in an 
abrupt manner said: "If Gen. French pleases, I have given my orders." 
Be that as it may, nothing had been done by his orders to get the army 
over, and there would have been no bridge had I not caught the steamer 
Admiral. When at last the bridge was finished, all my division train had 
been ferried over save six wagons, and it was about 2 a.m. before it was 
all over. Then Loring's Division had to cross. 

Gen. Polk had been an Episcopal bishop, and enjoyed the best 
the land afforded. The matin songs of the birds disturbed not 
his morning repose. The glorious sun rose too early for him to 
see it from the mountain top. It showed its face there at an un- 
seemly hour. But when the "drowsy morn 1 ' was passed, and 



190 Two Wars. 

the milkmaid had drawn tribute from the cows, and the coffee- 
pot was steaming on the hearth, and the light rolls were hot by 
the tire, and the plump, tine capon, with sides well lined with 
fat, was broiling on the coals, sending 1 a savory odor through 
the apartments, the Bishop would arise, his face radiant with 
joy. He was a valiant trencherman, but when the repast was 
over he threw aside the surplice. The priest became a warrior 
when he girded on his saber, and sallied forth a paladin in the 
strife. 

During all the long retreat from Jackson to this place we have done but 
little fighting with the infantry. It has nearly all been done by the caval- 
ry and artillery. 

18th. Moved to Dernopolis and encamped there. It is very cold and 
snow is falling. Mr. Founder gave me rooms at his house. He came to 
Dernopolis with Gen. Le Febre, who came to the United States after the 
abdication of Napoleon. I received letters from home. 

21st. Went to Judge Dixon's, a neighbor of mine, and we attended di- 
vine service at the Episcopal Church. The Rt. Rev. Bishop Wilmer 
preached an eloquent sermon. The congregation is under the charge of 
Mr. Beckwith, who formerly resided on Deer Creek and was acquainted 
with my family. [He was afterwards Bishop of Georgia.] 

26th. Left on a ten days' leave of absence to visit Columbus, Ga. On 
the cars were Gens. Hardee, Loring, Withers, and Walthall. On arrival 
in Columbus I went to Gen. A. Abercrombie's in Russell County, Ala.; 
remained there till Monday morning, and arrived in Dernopolis on the 
11th of March; remained in camp there until the 31st, when I started for 
Lauderdale with my division. In Dernopolis I met many agreeable fami- 
lies. Among them were Mr. Lyons, Founder, Glovers. Thornton. Light- 
foot. Inges. Sheadwicks, and others. I remained at Lauderdale. Miss., un- 
til the 20th of April, when I received orders to move to Tuscaloosa. En 
route I passed through (iainesville. and entered Tuscaloosa on the 26th. I 
reviewed the troops one morning for Gen. Hodge, and the same day I re- 
viewed the cadets at the University of Alabama. Among the pleasant peo- 
ple I met in Tuscaloosa were W. S. and C. M. Foster, Misses Annie Fiquet, 
Belle Woodruff, Cassady, Edden, Searcy, and others. I called to see J. E. 
Davis, brother of the President. 

On the 4th of May Gen. Polk was ordered by Adj. Gen. Cooper, also by 
Gen. Johnston, to move Gen. Loring and all available force to Rome. A 
consequence of these orders was that I, being at Tuscaloosa, Ala., I'eceived 
from Polk, at Dernopolis, at 9 a.m. on the 5th, orders to halt Sears*s bri- 
gade, then near Selma, and send it to Montevallo, a station on the rail- 
road to Rome, and concentrate my division at Montevallo. 

At the time this order was received CockrelTs Brigade was 
partly away up in North Alabama in the counties of Marion, 




LEONIDAS POLK. 



Moving under Difficulties. 193 

Walker, etc. , by order of Gen. Polk. Ector's Brigade was with 
me in Tuscaloosa, and Sears's north of Selma. Immediately or- 
ders were given to concentrate, as may be found in "War Rec- 
ords;' Vol. 38, Part IV., and in this volume will be found many 
orders and letters pertaining to this movement. 

Gen. Sears's Brigade, on May 5, was nearer Rome than Lor- 
mg at Demopolis, and was at Monte vallo on the 9th when Gen. 
Polk arrived there, and could have hern sent with him to Remca 
had transportation been provided. My diary records these vex- 
atious delays, and that the superintendent of the railroad re- 
ceived no orders to move my division until Tuesday, the 10th, 
and that he was to have the cars there on Thursday, the 12th.' 
Polk's administrative ability was not largely developed so as to 
anticipate the plainest necessity for coming events if he were ac- 
countable for these delays and others. 

May 7. We left Tuscaloosa for Montevallo. I found there the brigade 
of Mississippians, commanded by Gen. Sears, that is to form a part of m Y 
division. On the 9th Gen. Polk arrived. He directed that live days' rations 
be cooked at once, and that Sears's Brigade should leave that afternoon for 
Blue Mountain by railroad. How easy it is to talk about such things' 
There was no meal at the commissary's and no cars for the troops 

10th. No trains yet; raining hard; Ector's Brigade arrived. Sent all 
the artillery horses by wagon road. 

11th. Rain, rain, and thunder, and no trains yet for the troops. I won- 
der if there is a commander of this department. 

12th. No trains yet. I resolved to march the troops, but met Col Se- 
vier, of Polk's staff, and he assures me that he will have transportation 
Some of my men got on a passing train. I am informed that no grain was 
sent up last night for the artillery horses. Can it be that Gen. Polk knows 
nothing about these matters? 

13th To-day I got the remainder of Sears's Brigade off; and through 
the night, Ector's troops. Cockrell arrived with his brigade. I had sent 
him, by order of Gen. Polk, north of Tuscaloosa on an important expedi- 
tion. l 

Struck tents and left for Blue Mountain. Sears was thirtv-six hours on 
a train. Such delays were distressing. 

Rode this morning, the 16th, into Rome. Yesterday the enemy's caval- 
alry was within two miles of the city. Gen. Sears arrived, and at 10 p m 
his brigade was sent on the ears to Kingston. 

17th Sent two batteries by dirt road, also by trains, to Kingston 
About 1 p.m. to-day, as I was putting Ector's Brigade on the cars for King- 
ston, I was informed by Brigadier Davidson that the enemy was within 
two miles ot the town, on the right bank of the Oostanoula river, and that 
he had but one hundred and fifty men (mounted) to check them 



194 Two Wars. 

That you may the better comprehend the situation of troops. 
Federal and Confederate, I will state that on the 13th Gen. 
Johnston, on his retreat from Dalton, had reached Resaca, a town 
on the right bank of the Oostanoula, and was there attacked by 
Gen. Sherman on the 11th and 15th. On the loth Sherman's 
army began crossing the river, and our troops also. On the 16th 
both armies were south of the river, Johnston's force falling 
back on Kingston and the Federals in pursuit. Polk, with Lor- 
ing's Division, was with Johnston at Resaca, and two brigades 
of mine would have been there only for the want of transporta- 
tion at Moutevallo as stated. 

So when I found the enemy at Rome, no alternative presented 
itself but to put Ector in the trenches over the Oostanoula, and 
hold the town until Cockrell arrived, who was, in the morning, 
thirty-two miles distant. A strong line of skirmishers was ad- 
vanced, which was soon engaged with the enemy. During the 
afternoon Gen. J. T. Morgan arrived and said that his command 
was en route to Rome from Adairsvillc, and that he and Gen. Fur- 
gersou were both hard pressed by the enemy. At 1 p.m. Gen. 
Ross (cavalry) arrived with two regiments. The men were dis- 
mounted and placed on the hills. Davidson, with a few caval- 
ry, moved on the enemy's right. Then, at 6 p.m., Ross, with 
his men, charged their line of skirmishers and drove them back 
to the main line. Hoskins, with two guns and all the fragments 
of dismounted men and the like, was placed on the hills north of 
the town on the left bank of the river to at least intimidate the 
Federals. In this tight I did not lose over one hundred men, and 
they were mainly from Ross's Brigade. 

During all this day constant communications passed between 
me and Gens. Polk and Johnston urging me not to fail to join 
the retreating army. Cockrell's Brigade arrived at dusk, hav- 
ing marched thirty-two miles, and were at once furnished cars 
and started for Kingston at 1<» P.M. Ector's Brigade reached 
Kingston at 7:30 a.m. Before we left Rome 1 had all the horses, 
stores, sick, and wounded removed. When we reached Kingston, 
on the 18th, I found Gen. Johnston moving, with his army, to 
( assville, and 1 marched my division there also, and joined Gen. 
Polk and encamped near headquarters. 

It was an error to not have had Polk's Corps concentrated and 
well in hand to unite with Johnston to oppose Sherman's ad- 



Separated Forces. 195 

vance from Dalton, considering the month of May was passing 
and the time for active movements had arrived. As it was, they 
were widely separated. On the 4th of May Gen. Polk was or- 
dered to concentrate his command at Rome. From causes noted 
in my diary the last brigade did not reach there until the 17th. 
\\ ith Gen. W. T. Sherman, above Dalton, Ga., in command of a 
hundred thousand men, it behooved either the War Department 
at Richmond, or Gen. J. E. Johnston, in command of the Army 
of Tennessee, to have concentrated the Army of Mississippi un- 
der the command of Gen. Polk, and held it ready to join the 
Army of Tennessee; whereas it was widely separated. April 
26, I was in Tuscaloosa, Ala., and ordered by Gen. Polk to send 
a brigade north to the counties as stated. The consequence of 
all this was only one division of the Army of Mississippi reached 
Johnston before the battle of Resaca was fought, on May 13 L5. 



CHAPTEE XIV. 

Cassville — The Line of Battle — Hood's Line Not Enfiladed — History of that 
Conference — Two Lieutenant Generals Invite Their Commander to a 
Council of War — Johnston Obliged to Fall Back — We Cross the Etowah 
River — Dallas — New Hope Church — Constant Fighting — Rain. Rain — 
Death of Lieut. Gen. Polk — Battle of the Latimer House — My Division 
Occupies Little and Big Kennesaw Mountains — The Battle — Incidents 
of the Battle — Confederates Save Wounded Union Soldiers from Burn- 
ing — Kennesaw During Night Bombardment — Col. Martin's Noble Con- 
duct — The Irony of Fate — Maj. Poten and French Soldier. 

It will be seen that of those troops under Hood that were 
maneuvering to attack the enemy advancing on our right, 
I was the last to leave the position east of Cassville, for the 
whole line of battle was formed before I fell back, and I would 
have been in reserve entirely had Hood, as he should have done, 
extended his line to the left until it touched Canty's Division. 

May 19, 1864. This morning the army was formed in line of battle. At 
first I was on the extreme right, but soon after, by change of dispositions, 
I occupied the line from the hills, on Loring's right, across the valley to 
the top of the first hill on my right. Hood's Corps was on my right, ma- 
neuvering to attack the enemy, but from some cause no fight was made. 
After this line was formed Cockrell, who was in reserve, was placed on a 
range of hills south of Cassville, and behind the town. At 4 P.M., I was 
ordered to fall back and form behind the division of Gen. Canty and Cock- 
rell's Brigade, which I did. But as there was an interval between Hood's 
line and Canty without troops. I placed there in position Hoskin's Bat- 
tery and half of Ector's Brigade. This left me Sears's Brigade and half of 
Ector's Brigade in reserve. Then came an order adding to my command 
the division of Canty, which was directly in front of me. Cockrell, on 
Canty's left, was put, for the occasion, under the orders of Loring. 

About 5 p.m. our pickets from the extreme front were driven in toward 
the second line by the enemy's cavalry. Hoskin's Battery opened on the 
cavalry and checked them. About 5:30 p.m. the Federals, having placed 
some batteries in position on a ridge in front of Hood's right, opened tire 
on our line, and the shells from their extreme left (in front of Hood's right) 
enfiladed Hoskin's gun and the line that for a little while curved out to the 
battery. Hood's line was not a prolongation of Polk's line, because it fell 
back at the point of junction about twenty-five degrees. [See map in the 
•• War Records."] 

After dark, as I was returning from dinner, I met Gen. Hood, who asked 
me to ride over with him to see Gen. Johnston at Gen. Polk's headquar- 
ters, and take supper. 



198 Two Wars. 

When supper was over Hood and Polk asked Johnston to a 
conference that they had previously arranged, and Johnston 
asked me to go with him. At the conference, at this time, Har- 
dee was not present. Hood commenced by declaring that his 
line and Polk's line were so enfiladed by the Federal artillery 
that they could not be held. Polk was not so strenuous. John- 
ston insisted on lighting, and my diary says: 

At !> p.m. it was, I am sure, determined to tight at Cassville, and, after 
remaining at the conference sometime longer, I hastened to camp to en- 
trench. Soon after it was intimated to me by an officer riding along past 
me that we would fall back, owing to the enemy moving so far on our 
left. 

20th. At midnight we commenced to leave our position. Skirmishers 
were left, and a few men in the trenches were given axes to fell trees to 
deceive the enemy and drown the noise made in withdrawing the artil- 
lery. 

I am obliged, before I proceed any further, to make a digres- 
sion here in reference to the proceedings of this conference by 
reason of what has been published about it. 

Johnston, in his "Narrative," gives his version of what oc- 
curred, and so far as what took place it is mainly correct. Hood, 
in his "Advance and Retreat," makes an incorrect statement of 
the condition of his line, and, whilst I was there, made no refer- 
ence to being in a good position for acting on the aggressive and 
making an attack. His memory is defective, because in a let- 
ter of his, written to me ten years after, he had entirely forgot- 
ten that I was present at the conference. Then again, in Octo- 
ber, 1894, there appeared in the New Orleans Picayune an anon- 
ymous article that endeavored to transfer Polk's concurrence 
with Hood to not tight on to my shoulders. It was so entirely 
erroneous —nay, purely imaginative -that it required me to no- 
tice it for the benefit of my children, and it can be found in the 
Southern Historical Magazine, Vol. XXII., pages 1 to !», pub- 
lished in Richmond, Va.. January-December. L894. 

I regret that this fabulous Picayune article, emanating in New 
Orleans, was ever written on account of Gen. Polk. It made 
him appear to be a weak man. 

21st. Yesterday we crossed the Etowah river and encamped at an iron 
furnace in charge of Gen. G. W. Smith, who had resigned from the army. 
Remained in cam]) all day. There was some firing in the evening on the 



Severe Fighting. 199 

river below where we crossed. I received orders to be ready to move in 
any direction. 

23d. Left Allatoona to-day at noon and marched until dusk, then en- 
camped for the night. 

24th. Started at 4 a.m. and marched westerly toward Dallas. En- 
camped in line of battle. Heard guns in the direction of Dallas. 

25th. This morning I moved still farther toward Dallas. Enemy re- 
ported on the road from Rome, striking for, or below, Atlanta. In the 
evening I rode along our front. I met Gen. Johnston while riding toward 
New Hope Church. The enemy made an attack on Gen. Hood's front. I 
returned immediately to hasten up my command, and arrived about dark 
in the midst of a thunderstorm. After placing troop in position during the 
night, I slept by the roadside under shelter of a fence. 

26th. Assumed line of battle and passed the day in intrenching. Cheat- 
ham is on my right and Canty on my left. During the night Cheatham 
moved to the left, and on the 27th I extended in that direction. In the 
afternoon there was an attack on Gen. Hood, which he repulsed. At mid- 
night I received orders to move my division to the right to relieve the di- 
vision of Gen. Stevenson, which was not completed until 4 a.m. 1 found the 
line a miserable one, and the enemy's sharpshooters within twenty yards 
of the lines. I relieved his skirmishers and his division left. The Yan- 
kees called this place "hell hole." because, among other things, we shot 
twenty-one of their men, one after the other, in one rifle pit, Soon after 
sunrise the Federals opened fire with infantry and artillery, and during 
the day it increased, and once I thought we had to repulse a charge on the 
line. A great many shells have passed overhead and some through the 
top of a little apple tree at the foot of which we are sitting. They come 
without invitation. During the night there was such firing that I got up 
to ascertain if they were driving Loring's picket line in, on my right over 
the valley. I will remember New Hope Church. 

29th. Firing not so heavy to-day as yesterday. I rode over to Gen. 
Polk's at 5 a.m. Yesterday there was an attack on the left made by Gen. 
Bate, and on the right by Gen. Wheeler. My line is a hard one to defend. 
In the evening after dark I was sent for by Gen. Polk, and found him at 
Gen. Johnston's. While there the enemy made an attack on Canty 
and my left. The firing was severe. During the night there was con- 
tinuous firing on the left, and after midnight heavy artillery firing. Ow- 
ing to the condition of the atmosphere, the roar of the guns was increased. 
and the sound of bursting shells overhead was like nearby thunder, while 
the glare makes night hideous, consequently I got no sleep. This is get- 
ting to be interesting now, but the play is too long, it takes all night. 

30th. Col. Riley, a most gallant officer, is killed. There is trouble 
again on Canty's line. Some people are always in trouble. After dinner I 
went to Gen. Johnston's, and he sent me to examine Canty's line. There 
is not much firing to-night. The enemy's line is close to ours in front of 
Canty. We want engineei-s. [Next day nothing to relate.] 

June 1. I wrote to headquarters for tubes for Enfield rifles. This morn- 
ing there is an artillery duel going on between one of our batteries and 



(i en. Ector Wounded. 201 

those of the enemy. Enormous trees are falling from the shot. I formed 
an engineer company, and put Capt. Venet in command of it. I exam- 
ined the whole line. Canty withdrew his line last night, leaving mine to 
be maintained, now quite six hundred yards in advance, connected only 
by their cross line. 

2d. Gen. Ector was wounded this afternoon. An awful thunderstorm 
came up. the peals of thunder were frightful, and the Yankee tried to 
drown it with mimic artillery, as if one at a time was not divertisement 
enough. Some people can't be satisfied. The ditch is filled up to some 
depth with water. Over this I sleep on one board with my face turned up 
to the glare of the shells that shine through the closed eyelids. 

3d. Firing as usual, and the enemy moving to our right. Another 
heavy thunderstorm is in progress. The roar of artillery shakes the rain 
out of the clouds. We drove in the eneni3 r *s skirmish line. One consola- 
tion the staff says we have is that no one comes to see us; the ride is not 
interesting. We see no one, and get no orders. That there is good in ev- 
erything, including shells, is their doctrine. This battle has now lasted 
ten days. 

4th. Rain again this morning. It was a disagreeable night in the 
trenches. There is firing in front. I have good news from Virginia. At 
4 p.m. I received orders to withdraw our lines. It is raining to-night. 
This, with previous rains, rendered the roads as bad as they can well be, 
and the night was very dark. Mud, mud everywhere, and the soldiers 
sink over their shoe tops at every step. It took seven hours to move six 
miles. At 7 a.m. on the morning of the 5th we were in line of battle on 
Lost Mountain. 

6th. I obtained a good night's rest. This morning I had to change the 
line of battle. The view from this lone mountain top is beautiful. It is 
about nine miles east of Marietta. It swells from the plain solitary and 
lone to the height of six hundred feet, affording a fine bird's-eye view of 
the surrounding country. To the north the encampments of the enemy 
are spread out below, and from hundreds of campfires the blue smoke rises 
to float away as gently as though all were peaceful. Beneath this silver 
cloud that hangs around the mountain, there is an angry brow; the de- 
mons of war are there. 

7th. I slept in camp in the rear of the mountain, and for once all is 
quietness. At 10 a.m. I was ordered to the extreme right, and to the left 
at 1 p.m. All the information I can deduce from a single equation, to 
which I have reduced Jive orders received verbally from Polk's staff, is: 
X equal to a line to be formed in a dense wood 73 degrees northeast. I 
found Loring plunging about in quest of some center that is movable, and 
as invisible as the North Pole. As I could not determine the value of Xat 
dark, I concluded to sleep the matter over on the ground where I am. 

8th. This morning Maj. Prestman, engineer, examined the ground for 
my line. It is a weak, faulty, miserable line. The engineer took all my 
tools yesterday, so to-day I am unable to construct any works. I have re- 
ported the matter to Gen. Polk, but he is so much engrossed with fine-spun 
.theories that he fails to attend to things requiring prompt attention. 



202 Two Wars. 

Well! jusi think of it! This stall' of mine, unreasonable fellows, wish 
they were hack in the trenches again, where, for about eight days, they 
were not troubled with orders. Judge Wright came to see me. I have a 
high regard for him, and have seen him several times lately. He is from 
Tennessee. 

9th. Everything was quiet last night, and I heard no guns until H P.M. 
My division was ordered to follow Loring's toward the railroad. Contra- 
dictory orders again from Gen. Polk's staff. 1 got into position at dark, 
and was called up at 2 a.m. to change again by moving Ector's Brigade to 
the right. 

10th. Some skirmishing and artillery firing this morning. At 1 P.M. a 
violent thunderstorm came up, and the rain fell until dark. I believe it 
has rained now nine days in succession. The enemy is reported advan- 
cing to-day, and the firing shows it. In the evening 1 rode on the picket 
line with Gen. Ector. Firing continued until dark. 

11th. Rain. 

12th. Rain once more, and everything is drenched. Enemy firing with 
artillery from my front toward Kennesaw Mountain. 

18th. Terrible rain last night and all day to-day till i n. Eleven days' 

rain! If it keeps on. there will be a story told like unto that in the Bible, 
only it will read, 

It rained forty days unit it rained forty nights, 
An<l the ark it rested on the Kennesaw heights; 

For to that place we are floating, it seems to me. 

I4lh. This morning, by written orders (I am glad they have found pa- 
per to write on), Loring went to the right. Canty from the left to the cen- 
ter, and I extended to the right. No rain! Telegram of Forrest's victory. 
During the morning I rode over to (Jen. Polk's quarters and asked him 
(when Gen. .Johnston rode with him to our left) lo come down my line. 
He said probably he would do so. Alas! "man proposes, God disposes." 
I heard at 12 M. that he had been killed. 1 sent an officer to his headquar- 
ters, and he returned saying that the report was (rue. 1 then went imme- 
diately to his camp and found that his remains had been sent to Marietta. 
I was very much shocked at his untimely tale. A universal sadness seemed 
to rest on the countenance of every one He had accompanied .Johnston 
to the left and gone on Tine Mountain, and while in front of our lines the 
party was fired on by one of the enemy's batteries, and the third shot fired 
struck the General on the left side and killed him instantly. Thus died a 
gentleman and a high Church dignitary. As a soldier he was more theo- 
retical than practical. 

I was ordered last night to he in readiness for an advance of the enemy 
at H a.m. He came not. 

15th. All quiet at sunrise. Soon after desultory tiring commenced 
along the line and continued until 3 P.M., when it became quite heavy. 
Featherston had his skirmishers driven in to their ranks. At 9 P.M. my 
skirmish line was attacked unsuccessfully. 

10th. Early this morning the enemy opened on my front with a bat- 
tery, and at 10 a.m. they shelled the picket line and skirmish line very se- 



The Two Kenesa ws. 20& 

verely. At 3 p.m. they again shelled my line for an hour without serious 
damage. Cockrell is held in reserve for Gen. Hardee, and thus I am con- 
stantly holding a reserve for some one else; never yet has a brigade been 
held for me. and never, not once, have I asked for assistance. 

lTtli. The now monotonous artillery awakened us this morning to 
reveille before we had made any parched for coffee, the unfeeling hire- 
lings of toute 'Ik monde! Last night all the troops on my left swung back 
and took a new line that placed me in command of a salient with an angle 
of about eighty-five degrees, liable to be enfiladed and taken in reverse. 

IHtli. Early this morning both pickctsand skirmishers on my left (Walk- 
er's Division (gave way and let the federals in behind Cockrell's skirmishers, 
and thus the enemy gained possession of the Latimar House in myfront. Ec- 
tor'sBrigade skirmishers also came in. The way beingclear, theenemysoon 
advanced in line of battle, and with many guns enfiladed my line all day. 
This constant tiring never ceased, but I could not induce them to come out 
and make an assault on my front with infantry, and ere night came my 
loss was 5215 men. ('apt. Guibor's Battery has lost more men (13) to-day 
than it did during the entire siege of Vicksburg. Men became in time so 
familiar with danger and death that. Gallio-like, they "care for none of 
those things." Toward evening 1 was ordered to withdraw from this line 
and occupy Kennesaw Mountain. This was .lone during the night. 

19th. Early this morning the enemy followed us, and soon the skir- 
mishing commenced, and by noon the artillery lire was severe. It ranged 
up the slope and over the mountain with great fury, and wounded (Jen. 
Cockrell. and thirty-five of his men were hors <in combat. 

The position of our army to-day is: Hood is on our right covering Ma- 
rietta or the northwest. From his left Polk's Corps (now Loring's) ex- 
tends over both Big and Little Kennesaw Mountains, with the left on the 
road from Gilgal Church to Marietta. From this road Hardee r\ tends t hi' 
line nearly south, covering Marietta on the west. The left of my division 
was established on the Marietta road: thence it ran up the spur, orincline. 
of the mountain called Little or West Kennesaw. and thence to the lop of 
the same: thence on up to the top of Big Kennesaw, where if connected 
with Gen. Walthall's troops. Featherston was on the right of Walthall 
and joined Geo. Hood. Walker, of Hardee'^Corps, was on my left. Then 
in order. Bale. Cleburne, and Cheatham came. 

Kennesaw Mountain is about four miles northwest of Marietta, It is 
over two and a half miles in length, and rises abruptly from the plain, sol- 
itary and alone, to the height of perhaps seven hundred feet. Its north- 
western side is rocky and abrupt. On the northerly and southerly ex- 
tremities it can be gained on horseback. Little Kennesaw, being bald and 
destitute of timber, affords a commanding view of all the surrounding 
country as far as the eye can reach, except where the view is hidden by 
the higher peak. The view from this elevation embraces Lost Mountain, 
Bine Mountain, and all the beautiful cultivated plain, dotted here and 
there with farmhouses, extending to the Allatoona Mountains, a, spur of 
the Great Smoky Mountains of North Carolina. 

20th. Busy this morning in establishing batteries to command the road. 



A Deserted Camp. 205 

and others on the line extending up the mountain and on the top of Little 
Kennesaw. I changed the Kne of infantry lower down the side of the 
mountain fronting the enemy, so as to command the ascent down as far as 
possible. Lost ten horses and a few men killed and wounded to-day. 

21st. I went to the top of the mountain this morning, and while there 
witnessed an artillery duel between the batteries on Hardee's lines and 
those of the enemy in front of it. Rather interesting to look down upon, 
and more exciting than a grand display of fireworks. 

22d. The constant rains have ceased, the sky is clear, and the sun, so 
long hid, now shines out brightly. Skirmishing (I am tired of that word) 
on my line last night. I rode to the top of the mountain quite early, to 
where 1 had placed nine guns in position. During the night the enemy 
had moved a camp close to the base of the mountain. It was the head- 
quarters of some general officers. Tent walls were raised, officers sitting 
around on camp stools, orderlies coming and going, wagons parked, sol- 
diers idling about or resting in the shade of the trees, and from the cook 
fires arose the odors of breakfast, and all this at our very feet. It was tan- 
talizing, that breakfast, not to be tolerated. So I directed the powder in a 
number of cartridges for the guns to be reduced, so as to drop the shells 
into the camp below us. I left them in their fancied security— for no doubt 
they believed that we could not place artillery on the height above them, 
and they were not visible to our infantry on the mountain side by reason 
of the timber. How comfortable they appeared, resting in the shade and 
smoking! At length the gunners, impatient of delay, were permitted to 
open fire on them. Thunder from the clear, blue sky could not have sur- 
prised them more. They sprang to their feet, and stood not on the order 
of their going, but left quickly, every man for himself, and soon "their 
tents were all silent, their banners alone," like Sennacherib's of old, and 
there was a deserted camp all this day. 

The enemy appeared this morning to be moving permanently to our 
left, and the firing in the afternoon extended farther in that direction, 
Toward dark I opened fire on the enemy's batteries; also again at 11 p.m. 
23d. Yesterday Gen. Cockrell had fourteen men wounded. During the 
night the enemy removed their tents, wagons, etc., from their abandoned 
encampment that was shelled yesterday, and the place looks desolate. At 
10 a.m., when all was quiet on the mountain, the enemy commenced a 
rapid fire from guns put in position during the night, and concentrated it 
on our guns on the point of the mountain. Yesterday we had it all our 
own way; to-day they are repaying us, and the cannonade is "fast and 
furious." Last night there was fighting on our left, but so different are 
the reports received that I cannot get at the truth. 

24th. There has been but little fighting during the day. 
25th. The everlasting " pop," "pop" on the skirmish line is all that 
breaks the stillness of the morning. I went early to the left of my line, 
but could not ride in the rear of Hoskin's Battery on account of the trees 
and limbs felled by the shells. From the top of the mountain the vast pan- 
orama is ever changing. There are now large trains to the left of Lost 
Mountain and at Big Shanty, and the wagons are moving to and fro ev- 



206 Two Wars. 

erywhere. Encampments of hospitals, quartermasters, commissaries, cav- 
alry, and infantry whiten the plain here and there as far as the eye can 
reach. Look at our side of the long line of battle! It is narrow, poor, and 
quiet, save at the front where the men are, and contrasts, with hei"e and 
bhere some spots of canvas amidst (she green foliage, strangely with that of 
the enemy. 

The usual extension is going on. Troops of the enemy are moving to 
the left, our left, to outflank us, and we lengthen out correspondingly ; ami 
now the blue smoke of the musket discloses the line by day trending away, 
far away south toward the Chattahoochee, ami by night it is marked, at 
times, by the red glow of the artillery amidst the sparklike flashes of small 
arms that look in the distance like innumerable fireflies. 

At 10 a.m. I opened fire on the enemy from the guns on Kennesaw. The 
enemy replied furiously, and for an hour the firing was incessant. I re- 
reived an order to hold Ector's Brigade in reserve. In the afternoon there 
was considerable firing, and all the chests of one of my caissons were blown 
ii]) by shell from the enemy, and by the explosion of a shell in one of the 
chests a gunner was killed. They have now about forty guns in front of 
me. and when they concentrate their fire on the mountain at any- one point 
it is pretty severe, but, owing to our great height, nearly harmless. Thou- 
sands of their Parrott shells pass high over the mountain, and. exploding 
at a great elevation, the after part of the shell is arrested in its flight and, 
falling perpendicularly, comes down into camp, and they have injured our 
tents. Last night I heard a peculiar "thud "' on my tent and a rattle of 
tin pans by the side of my cot. and this morning my negro boy cook put 
his head into my tent with the pans in his hands and said: "See here, mas- 
ter Sam, them 'fernal Yanks done shot my pans last night. What am I go- 
ing to do 'bout it?" A rifle ball, coming over the mountain, had fallen 
from a great height ami perforated the pans and penetrated dee]) into the 
earth. 

36th. This is Sunday, and all is comparatively quiet on the lines up to 
this 4 p.m.. except one artillery duel, but now cannon are heard on our ex- 
treme left. 

27th. This morning there appeared great activity among the Federal 
staff officers and generals all along my front and up and down the lines. 
The better to observe what it portended I and my staff seated ourselves 
on the brow of the mountain, sheltered by a large rock that rested between 
our guns and those of the enemy, while my infantry line was farther in 
front, but low down the mountain sides. 

Artillery-firing was common at all times on the line, but now it swelled 
in volume and extended down to the extreme left, and then from fifty guns 
burst out simultaneously in my front, while battery after battery, follow- 
ing on the right, disclosed a general attack on our entire line. Presently. 
and as if by magic, there sjjrang from the earth a host of men, and in one 
long, waving line of blue the infantry advanced and the battle of Kenne- 
saw Mountain began. 

I could see no infantry of the enemy on my immediate trout, owing to 
the woods at the base of the mountain, and therefore directed the guns 



208 Two Wars. 

from their elevated position to enfilade the blue line advancing, on Walk- 
er's front, in full view. In a short time this flank tire down their line 
drove them back, and Walker was relieved from the attack. 

We sat there perhaps an hour enjoying a bird's-eye view of one of the 
most magnificent sights ever allotted toman, to look down upon a hundred 
and fifty thousand men arrayed in the strife of battle below. 'Twere worth 
ten years of peaceful life, one glance at their array! 

Better an hour on this mountain top 

Than an age on a peaceful plain. 

As the infantry closed in, the blue smoke of the musket marked out the line 
of battle, while over it rose in cumulilike clouds the white smoke of the artil- 
lery. So many were the guns concentrated to silence those three guns of ours 
on the mountain brow behind us, and so incessant was the roar of cannon and 
explosion of shells passing over our heads or crashing on the rocks around 
us, that naught else could be heard; and so, with a roar as constant as Ni- 
agara and as sharp as the crash of thunder with lightning yet in the eye, 
we sat in silence watching the changing scenes of this great panorama. 

Through the rifts of smoke, or as it was wafted aside by the wind, we 
could see the assault made on Cheatham. There the struggle was hard, 
and there it lasted longest. From the fact that I had seen no infantry in 
my front, and heard no musketry near, I thought I was exempted from 
the general infantry attack. I was therefore surprised and awakened from 
my dream when a courier came to me, about 9 o'clock, and said that Gen. 
Cockrell wanted assistance, that his line had been attacked in force. Gen. 
Ector was at once directed to send two regiments to report to him. Soon 
after a second courier came and reported an assault made on the left of 
my line. I went immediately with the remainder of Ector's Brigade to 
Cockrell's assistance, but on reaching him I found the Federal assault had 
been repulsed. The assaulting column had struck Cockrell's works near 
the center, recoiled under the fire, swung around into a steep valley where, 
exposed to the fire of the Missourians in the front and right and of Sears's 
Mississippians on their left, it seemed to melt away, or sink to the earth, to 
rise no more. 

The assault on my line repulsed, I returned to the mountain top. The 
intensity of the fire had slackened, and no movement of troops was visi- 
ble, and, although the din of arms yet resounded far and near, the battle 
was virtually ended. 

From prisoners, and from papers and diaries found in their possession, 
I learned that my line, from its position, had been selected for assault by 
Gen. McPherson. as that of Cheatham's and Cleburn's had by Gen. Thomas. 

Gen. McPherson was a distinguished officer, and it would be 
a reflection on his judgment and skill as a general to infer that 
he did not, under the eye of his commander, with ample men 
and means, make what he deemed adequate preparations for its 
accomplishment; but owing to the ground and the determined 
resistance encountered, his men by intuitive perception, awak- 



Gen. Sherman's Orders. 209 

ened by action, realized that the contest was hopeless, and, where 
persistence was only death, very properly abandoned the lield. 

Gen. Cheatham's loss was 195; mine (French's), 186; all oth- 
er Confederate losses, 141. Being a total of 552. What the 
Federal loss was I do not know, but it was estimated at from 
p'r, to , i(///f thousand. 

The following orders of Gen. Sherman will explain the attack 
clearly; and the telegrams the result of the battle. 

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, ) 
In the Field near Kennesaw Mountain, June 24, 1864. f 
The army commanders will make full reconnoissanees and preparations 
to attack the enemy in force on the 27th inst.. at 8 a.m. precisely. 

The commanding general will be on Signal Hill, and will have telegraph- 
ic- communication with all the army commanders. 

1. Maj. Gen. Thomas will assault the enemy at any front near his cen- 
ter, to be selected by himself, and will make any changes in his troops nec- 
essary, by night, so as not to attract the attention of the enemy. 

2. Maj. Gen. McPherson will feign, by a movement of his cavalry and 
one division of his infantry, on his extreme left, approaching Marietta 
from the north, and using artillery freely, but will make his real attack at 
a point south and west of Kennesaw. 

3. Maj. Gen. Schoheld will feel to his extreme right and threaten that 
flank of the enemy, etc. 

4. Each attacking column will endeavor to break a single point of the 
enemy's line and make a secure lodgment beyond, and be prepared for fol- 
lowing it np toward Marietta and the railroad in case of success. 

By order of Maj. Gen. W. T. Sherman. L. M. Dayton, 

Aid de ('a in p. 

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, | 
In the Field, June 27, 1864, 11:45 a.m. > 

Gen. Sr/mjfi Id: Neither McPherson nor Thomas has succeeded in break- 
ing through, but each has made substantial progress at some cost. Push 
your operations on the flank and keep me advised. W. T. Sherman, 

Major General Commanding. 

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, 
In the Field near Kennesaw, June 27, 1864, 11: 45 a. 
Gen. Thomas: McPherson's column marched near the top of the hill, 
through very tangled brush, but was repulsed. It is found impossible to 
deploy, but they hold their ground. I wish you to study well the posi- 
tions, and if possible to break through the lines to do it. If is easier now 
than it will be hereafter. I hear Leggitt's guns well behind the mountain. 
W. T. Sherman, Major General Commanding. 

As nothing decisive was obtained by Sherman's attack, the 
fire slackened, except on the skirmish line. After dark the ene- 
14 



pi, I. 

L.M. ' 



210 Two Wars. 

my withdrew to their main trenches, the roar of guns died grad- 
ually away, and the morning of the 28th dawned on both armies 
in their former positions. The battle of Kennesaw, then, was a 
display of force and an attack on the entire length of our line 
by artillery and infantry, under cover of which two grand at- 
tacks were made by assaulting columns, the one on my line and 
the other on Cheatham's. 

28th. After the battle of yesterday there is less activity in front, and 
the enemy move about in a subdued manner and less lordly style, and vet 
they resent defeat by a cannonade this afternoon. 

20th. Everything is quiet this morning, and so continued till 5: 30 p.m., 
when they opened on our guns on Kennesaw with a new battery to aid the 
previous ones. Perhaps they design attacking my line again. A great 
number of shells fell in camp, or rather they were fragments of shells 
bursting high over the mountain. At dusk cannonading burst out again. 

30th. Rather quiet this morning. At 2:30 a.m. last night we were all 
aroused by a severe rattle of musketry on the left. We got up and sad- 
dled our horses, but after about twenty minutes the firing ceased and all 
was quiet till morning. It appears that this night attack was caused by 
a false alarm. This morning I rode to Marietta, it being the tirst time I 
have left my line. This afternoon I went to the batteries on the mountain 
with Gen. Mackell, and then again with Gen. Stevens. There has been 
but little tiring to-day. 

July 1. After lying down last night I was aroused by some shells pass- 
ing overhead, and then again by some sharp musketry on my left. The 
awful lies found in the newspapers, manufactured by correspondent-.. 
lauding certain generals and magnifying their victories, should ruin them. 

This afternoon the enemy turned tifty-two pieces of artillery on the 
three onus I have on the west brow of Little Kennesaw, and continued the 
tire until long after dark. Seldom in war have there been instances where 
so many guns have been trained on a single spot. But it was only in the 
darkness of the night that the magnificence of the scene was displayed 
grand beyond imagination, beautiful beyond description. Kennesaw. us- 
ually invisible from a distance at uight, now resembles Vesuvius in the be- 
ginning of an eruption. The innumerable curling rings of smoke from the 
incessant bursting of shells over the mountain top. added to the volumes 
belching forth from our guns, wreathed Kennesaw in a golden thunder- 
cloud in the still sky. from which came incessant Hashes of iridescenl 
light from shells, like bursting stars. The canopy of clouds rolling around 
the peak looked softer than the downy cotton, but ever changing in color. 
One moment they were as crimson as the evening clouds painted by the 
rays of the summer setting sun, and the next, brighter than if lit by the 
lightning's flash, or bursting meteors. However brilliant and varied and 
beautiful to the sight, it was not one of pure delight, because it was not a 
grand display in the clouds for amusement, and when it died away, w hen 
silence came, and night threw her dark mantle over the seem-, there was 



Heroism of Col. Martin. 211 

z^£s£Si^£2 ;:;';;;:." 

Thegood people of Marietta, who often watched from house 
top, these scenes of excitement, will , leV er forget them 

It was during this battle that one of the noblest deeds of hu- 
man,,,- was perform,,! the world has ever witness,.,,. Weiave 

Te rich fen 00 "" 1 ,K tlU ' """ n " "*** f ™» Jerusalem to 

Jericho fell among th.eves," and the good Samaritan who -had 

>P Sidney, and the generous conduct of a French cuirassier at 
Waterloo who seeing Maj. Poteu, of the King's German I , , 
had osthis right arm, when about to cut him down, dropped he 
point of Ins sword to the salute and rode away. V French 
soldier™ happily discovered, and received the cross of theLe 
go,, o Honor. B„, here ,, have « Col . W . ,1. Martin of the 

< woods in front of him on fire burning the wounded Feder 
als ,„l a handkerchief to a ramrod and amidst the danger of 
battle mounted the parapet and shouted „, „„. ,,„,,„, ^ 
and remove your wounded; they are burning to death; we won' 
me a gun til you get them away. Be quick!' And wit 

mi:'^TVr m "' K '' rk - :m,M '--"oveth':. 

wnen tin, no, I, of humanity was ended a noble Federal maior 
M a brace of fine pistols and presented them to Col Martin 

ht honor o '' ' d T" eB '" ' ,e l' e ''Pet„ a ted to the death- 

less hono. of every one of you concerned in it: and should vou 
hght a thousand other battle, and win a thousand oteer victo" 
ries, you will never win another so noble as this.' Alas' ■ 
The noMe Col Martin lived to return to his home. II ioveTy 
wife died, leaving an only child. Broken-hearted he sailed 1 
Honduras, as he said, to make a fortune for his little ^dan^ 
there, one day when sailing i„ a small boat on the -- 1 r C 



CHAPTER XY. 

Our Army Falls Back from Kennesaw — Confederate "Rebel Yell" — Occu- 
py Works on the Chattahoochee River — A. P. Stewart Appointed Lieu- 
tenant General — Assumes Command of the Army of Mississippi- -Texas 
Brigade Fight to Obtain Tools — We Cross the Chattahoochee — Arrival 
of Gen. B. Bragg — Gen. Johnston Relieved — President Davis's Remark 
about Relieving Johnston from Command — Johnston's Policy versus 
Hood's — Battle of Peachtree Creek — We Occupy Atlanta — Battle of At- 
lanta — S. D. Lee Assigned to Command of Hood's Corps — Gen. Ector 
Wounded— ('apt. Ward Killed— Battle of July 28, 1864—1 Apply to Be 
Relieved from Serving with Hood — Gen. M. Jeff Thompson — Condition 
of the Camps of United States Troops — Evidence of the Terrible Fire of 
Small Arms — Evacuation of Atlanta — Jonesboro and Lovejoy's Station. 

I left Kennesaw with regret. From its slopes w 7 e repelled the 
assaults of the enemy, and from its top, where I loved to sit and 
witness the almost daily conflicts, and hear the ''Rebel yell ^ 
from away down the throat, and the Federal cheer from the lips. 
The "Rebel yell"" was born amidst the roar of cannon, the flash 
of the musket, the deadly conflict, comrades falling, and death 
in front — then, when rushing forward, that unearthly yell rose 
from a thousand Confederate throats, loud, above "the thunder 
of the captains and the shoutings,'' and with the force of a tor- 
nado they swept on over the field to death or victory. O how 
the heart throbs and the eye glares! As that yell is the offspring 
of the tempest of the battle and death, it cannot be heard in 
peace, no, never, never! The Federal cheer lives on, and is 
heard daily in the land. That Confederate yell was never, as far 
as I know, made when standing still. It was really an inspira- 
tion arising from facing danger and death which, as brave men, 
they resolved to meet. Ye children of peace can never hear it; 
wherefore I write of a sound that was produced by environment 
ye will never have. It died with the cause that produced it. 
The yell produced awe; the cheer indicated joy. 

July 2. Not content with the waste of ammunition last evening, the 
enemy commenced again at 4:15 this morning — the heathens — and kept it 
up until <i A.M. from every battery, and from some guns until 11 a.m. I 
went up the mountain early in the morning. The tire was not confined to 
my guns on the mountain, but extended some distance -down the line. All 
this was intended, no doubt, to hold Johnston's main force on his own 




A. r. STEWAliT. 



Gen. Stewart Assumes Command. 215 

right while they moved to our left, Hanking as usual. At 1 p.m. I received 
orders to withdraw my division to-night, and did so at 10 p.m. 

3d. The regiments left in the trenches and the skirmishers did not leave 
until 3 a.m. Owing to detention of the trains, etc.. we did not reach our 
new position until after daylight. I went to work intrenching our line— 
and it is a bad one. Soon in the morning the enemy drove in our cavalry, 
and by noon had out his skirmishers and artillery to the front. It is won- 
derful how well our soldiers understand this falling back. Never before 
did an army constantly tight and fall back for seven weeks without de- 
moralization, and it plainly establishes the intelligence and individuality 
of the men. 

4th. The shelling this morning was very severe. This caused the Mis- 
sissippi Brigade to seek protection in this way: They used the shingles 
from a house for spades, and bayonets for picks, and thus in a few min- 
utes the men were in a shallow ditch. My men in title pits were shelled 
out and driven in. We were ordered to fall back to-night, which wasdone 
with much difficulty. 

5th. At 3 a.m. we were on the retreat, and it was well executed by the 
troops, and we came into Vining Station ahead of the other divisions. 
Some sharpshooters with Whitworth rifles and a lieutenant of Hoslin's 
Battery were left in camp asleep, and they barely escaped capture. We 
were now on the right bank of the Chattahoochee river. The right of my 
line was a small redoubt east of the railroad (Western and Atlantic), thence 
it crossed it, thence across the Marietta dirt road. etc. At 10 a.m. the en- 
emy swept the whole plain with shells down to the river. I established 
headquarters with Gen. Walthall in an old log house by the roadside. 

<>th. The enemy is quiet this morning. Yesterday the impolite followers 
of Sherman came near spoiling our dinner as we sat on the ground eating, 
by sending a twenty-pound Parrott shell near enough to throw the sand 
about and over it. 

7th. This morning I rode along the lines with Gens. Boring and Shoup. 
Gen. A. P. Stewart, having been promoted to a lieutenant general, as- 
sumed command of the Army of Mississippi. After the death of Gen. Polk 
I unhesitatingly said that Gen. Stewart would be promoted. I rode along 
the whole of his command with him. 

8th. The enemy keep up a sharp fire on our skirmish line at night. 
They evidently are apprehensive that we will cross the river at night, for 
during the day they are quiet. 

As we have no tools for throwing up breastworks. Gen. Ector came to 
me for permission to move a regiment to his front in the woods, from 
where he had swung back, so as to attack the enemy when they came out 
to establish a picket line. This he did successfully, and returned with 
good picks, spades, and steel axes (ours were cast iron) that will cut wood. 
Shingleur, Robinson, and Yerger, aids, are all sick. 

9th. About 9 a.m. the enemy attacked the line of skirmishers in front 
of Sears's Brigade with force and drove them from their pits. Col. Barry 
advanced the Thirty-Sixth Mississippi Regiment, under command of Maj. 
Parton. and forced them back, captured their line, and drove them nearly 



216 Two Wars. 

to their main works, and reestablished ours. Prisoners were captured 
from five different regiments. Our loss was fifty-two men in all. After 
this they shelled my line for hours. About 2 P.M. the enemy eommenced 
a slow cannonade on my front, and continued it till dark. The twenty- 
pound Parrotts passed over our quarters constantly and exploded in the 
road. 

This P.M. 1 was st-iit for by Gen. Stewart, and received orders to with- 
draw my command aeross the river by the railroad bridge. After all were 
crossed both the railroad and dirt road bridges were burned. We moved 
on toward Paces' Ferry, and bivouacked by the wayside. 

10th. The morning has been quiet, and the wearied troops have rested. 
This retrograde movement was caused by the enemy crossing the river 
above, near Roswell. The works of Gen. Shoup, with its stockades, did 
not give Johnston spare troops enough to prevent this movement of the 
enemy. Thus we are constantly outflanked by a superior force not dis- 
posed to attack us behind any kind of works. At 4 p.m. it commenced 
raining, and then artillery bring began at the railroad crossing and far- 
ther down the river. Now for nearly two months we have bail daily tir- 
ing, save only one day when on Lost Mountain. Gen. Ector was left to 
guard the railroad crossing and the river, above and below. This was on 

the Uth. 

12th and 13th. The camp is filled with rumors. The enemy is reported 
to have crossed the river and then gone back. 1 rode to Stewart's head- 
quarters, and thence to Atlanta. I saw ('apt. Maupin in the hospital. 
Boor fellow; he was shot, at the Latimar House, through the breast. I 
went to see Gen. Johnston, and found Gen. Braxton Bragg there. He comes 
from Richmond. What is his mission? Who knows? Is Sherman on this 
side of the river? Has (I rant's failures in Virginia, and Early's invasion 
of Pennsylvania, affected movements down here'.' A few days will deter- 
mine. O for brighter days for the Confederacy! I have been obliged to 
order the guards to tire on the cavalry when they go in the river to bathe 
with the Federal cavalry. Federals never venture in unless our men are 
bathing. Our men are not seeking fords; they are. This is what they are 
looking for. 

14th, 15th, 16th. We remained in bivouac, and nothing unusual oc- 
curred. We are still anxious to learn more about Early in Maryland. 
There is the usual amount of firing on our front. 

Sunday, 17th. The enemy commenced a more rapid and continued tire 
from their batteries near the railroad bridge, where I have pickets. This, 
as usual, presages some movement. And here it is: "Hold your command 
ready for a movement." It does seem strange that we cannot have one 
quiet Sabbath. Sherman has no regard for the Fourth Commandment. I 
wish a Bible society would send him a prayer book, instead of shipping 
them all to the more remote heathen: but it would be the same in either 
case. The one i> wicked by nature; the other, I fear, is becoming so from 
habit. Perhaps "Tecumseh" has something to do with it. There is much 
in a name. 

18th. I moved into a position where my left rested on the Marietta 



Gen. Grant Befuses Exchange. 217 

road, and commenced intrenching at night. Gen. Johnston was relieved 
on yesterday from the command of this army, and Gen. J. B. Hood as- 
sumed command by orders from Richmond. Early this morning I rode 
down to army headquarters and bade Johnston good-by. 

And here I will state the conversation that occurred between 
Hood and me. I told him that I was sorry Johnston had been re- 
lieved; that I had often, when in Mississippi, talked with him 
concerning; the manner of conducting the war; but " now that you 
are in command, 1 assure you I will serve under you as faithful- 
ly and cheerfully as with him." Although he took my hand and 
thanked me, I was ever afterwards impressed with the belief that 
he never forgave me for what I said. 

Now, since I have alluded to it, I will state that in our con- 
versation I agreed with Johnston that our success mainly de- 
pended on breaking the enemy down financially, by procrasti- 
nating the war; that to do this the strength of the army in the 
East and in the West should be maintained; that the armies up- 
held the government, and a great defeat would be disastrous. 

It was because we could obtain no more recruits that Grant 
refused to exchange prisoners and receive the Andersonville 
prisoners and return a like number to increase the ranks of Lee's 
army. Here is Grant's letter on exchange of prisoners: 

City Point. August IS, 1864. 

To Gen. Buthr. 

On the subject of exchange how ever. I differ from Gen. Hitchcock. It 
is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange them, but it 
is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every man re. 
leased, on parole on otherwise becomes an active soldier against us a1 
once, either directly or indirectly. 

If we commence a system of exchange, which liberates all prisoners 
taken, we will have to fight on until the whole South is exterminated. If 
we hold those caught, they amount to no more than dead men. At this 
particular time to release Rebel prisoners North would insure Sherman's 
defeat, and would compromise our safety here. 

As Gen. Grant discusses the humanity of his acts, I will com- 
pare it with what other distinguished men have written on the 
subject of exchange of prisoners. 

Carthage, dispirited by her losses, wished for peace. For this 
purpose ambassadors were dispatched to Rome. Regulus (a 
prisoner in Carthage) was sent with the ambassadors to further 
the exchange, bound by an oath to return to Carthage in case of 



218 Two Wars. 

a failure to make peace or exchange of prisoners. He dissuaded 
bis countrymen from agreeing to either proposition, and, bound 
by his oath, returned to Carthage, where he well knew torture 
and death awaited him. 

Cicero applauds Regulus in both particulars in returning to 
Carthage. Sir Walter Raleigh commends Regulus in maintain- 
ing the obligation of his oath, but in dissuading the Senate not 
to agree to exchange of prisoners he condemns his inhumanity, 
which no good reasons of state could justify. 

However, be this as it may, one thing is certain, and that is 
that the inhumanity, if there were any, was assumed by the act 
of the United States (the North) in refusing to mitigate their 
sufferings on both sides by not exchanging prisoners, and it re- 
leases the South from the charge of all suffering incident, al 
ways, to prison life.* 

O! had the gifted Senator from Georgia, Benjamin H. Hill, 
known of the existence of this letter defining the policy of the 
North in the treatment of prisoners of war, he would have van- 
quished his antagonist, Hon. J. G. Blaine, and silenced the jin- 
goes and stopped the waving of the bloody shirt to lire the 
Northern heart against the South. 

In a private conversation with President Davis he told me that 
so great was the pressure made on him by deputations, commit- 
tees, individuals, officials, and the press demanding to know if 
Atlanta and the State of Georgia were to be given up without a 
battle for its preservation, that he was reluctantly obliged to re- 
lieve Gen. Johnston to satisfy the clamorous demands made for 
a halt and a battle in defense of the State while the army was in 
the mountainous region, and so he yielded to theory of the people. 

20th. This morning it was resolved to attack the three corps of the en- 
emy that were on the Peachtree creek and separated from the corps that 
were near Decatur. Sears's Brigade being on duty on the river and creek, 
I moved with the brigades of Cockrell and Ector to the right and formed 
line of battle in front of the Ragdale House. This position was the ex- 
treme left of the army. 

The plan of battle was a good one. Hardee was to gain the enemy's 
rear, swing to the left, taking their line in Hank, while we attacked the 
line in front in echelon of brigades as the battle swept down the creek. 
Walthall was on my right, and I was to keep within about three hundred 
yards of him. In advancing I came to an open field in front of the ene- 

See Tytl-r's " History," and War Office Records. 



A Quiet Sunday. 219 

rny. Their line was fortified, with two field batteries in position that kept 
up a continuous tire on my line. Gen. Loring's troops broke through the 
enemy's line of works. Reynolds and Featherston had to abandon the 
captured line by reason of the tlank fire on them. The failure of Hardee 
deranged the plan of battle. After dark we withdrew. 

2'2i\. I had a slight skirmish with the enemy yesterday. We got twen- 
ty-four of them. Last night the army occupied Atlanta. My division 
formed the extreme left of the army. My headquarters are at Mr. Jen- 
nings's house, and the line crosses the road to Turner's Ferry and runs to- 
ward the Western and Atlantic railroad. Preparations are being made 
to attack the enemy's left wing over toward Decatur. Noon has passed, 
and there has been no infantry-tiring yet. only the booming of artillery: 
but about 4 P.M. the volleys of musketry tell on the ear. died away, and then 
burst out anew, and did not cease until dark, when they receded in the dis- 
tance, indicating the advance of our troops. The fruits of the victory are 
reported to be twenty-four pieces of artillery ami three thousand one hun- 
dred prisoners. With it comes sad regrets tor the death of Gen. \V. A. T. 
Walker on our side, and Gen. McPherson. United States army, on their side. 

27th. Nothing has occurred, save the usual siege firing, since the 22d. 
This morning when I was at Ward's Battery there was some artillery-tir- 
ing, and a shell exploded overhead, striking Gen. Ector above the knee, 
requiring amputation, and ('apt. Ward, mortally wounding him. I sent 
them to my quarters and thence to our hospital. Ward was an accom- 
plished gentleman and a brave soldier. I wrote to Mrs. Ward, trying to 
console her in her bereavement. Gen. Ector in due rime was walking by 
the aid of crutches. Gen. S. D. Lee to-day was assigned to the command 
of Hood's Corps. 

'■2Sth. I rode to (Jen. Stewart's and heard that the enemy was moving 
to our left. I then went to Hood's. Knowing that four divisions had been 
moved to my left. I felt assured that a battle was pending. S. D. Lee was 
in command. About 1 p.m. it began, and continued four hours. By re- 
quest of Walthall I sent them Guibor's guns and Ector's Brigade. The at- 
tack was a failure because it was fought by weak detailed attacks instead 
of a consolidated force. Gen. Stewart was struck by a partly spent ball 
in the forehead, and Loring was wounded. As soon as I learned the posi- 
tion of the enemy I opened fire on them from my rifled thirty-two pound- 
ers and continued the tire slowly all night. 

29th. All is quiet this morning. 1 rode to corps headquarters, and 
found that both Stewart ami Loring had left, which made me commander 
of the corps, but to my surprise I found that Hood had placed Cheatham 
in command. 1 wrote to Hood in regard to the matter. Hood's act was 
in keeping with the intriguing so ruinous to this army, and 1 asked to be 
relieved from serving in it any longer. 

31st. Nothing unusual happened yesterday. To-day is Sunday, and it 
dawned as though peace had spread her white wings over the land, for not 
a gun has yet been heard, and so it continued most of the day. Divine 
service was held in the brigades, and in the pond in front of my quarters 
a baptism took place. 



220 Two Wars. 

August 1. My command was extended to cover Walthall's original 
front. I made a call on Gens. G. W. Smith and R. Toombs, and wrote to 
Richmond. This P.M. the enemy commenced artillery tire on the redoubt 

in front of my house. One shell killed a mule in the yard, another broke 
my wagon tongue, while a third knocked the pipe from Hedrick's (my or- 
derly) mouth, ete. My application to be relieved from duty was returned 
disapproved, and I was informed that I would not be relieved. So on Au- 
gust 2 I wrote to the Adjutant General to be relieved from command in 
or serving with this army. 

2d, 3d, 4th, 5th. [To transcribe my diary for these days would only be 
a reiteration of daily siege attacks.] 

6th. I made a demonstration on the enemy this morning in his works 
in my front to aid Lee on our left. I moved my left over a mile to the 
front and attacked the enemy on his skirmish line and then their main 
line, but it was done at the expense of Lieut. Motherhead killed. Maj. Red- 
wine wounded, and forty-three men killed and wounded. 1 was directed 
to make this demonstration: ordinarily they do but little good against old 
soldiers, because they know so well that they would not he attacked be- 
hind their works seriously unless by massed troops. Neither will they at- 
tack ours. In the afternoon they shelled my line complimentaryto my at- 
tack in the morning. How polite they are in returning attentions! Bad 
news received from Mobile. It is reported that the United States fleet has 
passed Fort Morgan and is now in the hay. 

8th, 9th. 1 gave my large map of the Yazoo Valley to Gen. M. L. Smith. 
who sent it to Macon to he copied, one copy for the commander of the Depart- 
ment of Mississippi, ami the other for the War Department. I rode along 
the lines with Gen. Sears, who has returned. ( ockrell also got back yester- 
day. While I was at Col. Young's the enemy commenced shelling, and if 
has continued ever since, full seven hours. So far it has done but little 
damage. Very many shells have fallen close by, and exploded over the 
house, and it has become anything but a pleasant residence and at night 
disturbs pleasant dreams. 

1 sent a letter to the President on the matter of Gen. Hood's conduct in 
the assignment of Cheatham to Stewart's Corps during his absence, 

10th and 11th. I rode out to our hospital this morning. The enemy 
seems disposed 1<> get possession of my vidette line, which 1 have main- 
tained up to this time. When the siege began I sent for my principal offi- 
cers and told them all that I did not intend my cam]) should lie rendered 
unpleasant from rifle balls, that the vidette line away in front must be 
held: that the picket line five hundred yards in front should be strong, and 
on it the fighting should be to the last extremity. The result of this course 
has been that my men are entirely free from annoyance, except from some 
artillery fire, and that is foolishly directed at our redoubts. I use artil- 
lery on their infantry camps and lines so as to destroy their rest both day 
and night. See the difference] While we sleep in safety, in some parts of 
the lines around the city DO one can move without drawing the tire of the 
Yankees on themselves, so near are the lines together. 

12th to 17th. [The diary is too full of detaildo record here, so I will 



Firing Hot Shot. 221 

merely remark that the everlasting tire continues on my picket line, and 
their guns shell my redoubts.] 

17th. Gen. Stewart came to my quarters early this morning, at 6 a.m., 
and we went along the line. We returned and had breakfast. Then the 
artillery, as usual, began at the redoubt in front of the house. As the shells 
crossed the road on both sides of the house, it was dangerous to leave, and 
he remained an hour or more. 

In the evening I was sitting on the fence enjoying my pipe while watch- 
ing the explosion of the shells, when who should ride up but Gen. M. Jeff. 
Thompson, and he was invited to our quarters. I could not keep from 
laughing. I have an illustrated copy of the illustrious Don Quixote, and 
here was a duplicate picture, or rather here before me was the Don him- 
self, in form and features, and if Sancho had seen Jeff he would have called 
him "Master." He passed the night with us, entertaining us with his ad- 
ventures in the West. In the morning he went to see his Missouri friends. 

18th. The Yankees must be angry. Because my batteries dared to wake 
them up with a few shells they raised — well— (I begin it with a "w") and 
never ceased until 2 p.m., and they threw not less than two thousand shot 
at ns. ami accomplished nothing, only one shell went by accident through 
our house. 

19th, 20th, 21st, 22d. These days witnessed the usual expenditure of am- 
munition. On the 21st Lieut. Col. McDowell was killed in the rear of our 
second skirmish line. What an excellent man and gallant officer gave his 
life for the Confederacy! Peace to him and his friends! 

23d. Firing as usual. 

24th. The enemy tired hot shot on the city all last night, and to-day 
they set on fire some cotton, and burned a few houses. 

25th. I wrote to Judge Ould. Firing as usual. 

26th. This morning at daylight I was informed that the enemy had 
abandoned their works on my right and front nearly to my left, I found 
everything in their works horribly til thy. and alive with "dog " flies to such 
an extent that our horses could not be managed. The clothing, new and 
old. was covered with vermin. My servant boys carried some jackets 
home that had to be buried. Their line of works was very strong. 1 found 
the brick furnace where they made "shot red hot" to lire day and night 
at intervals to burn the city. At first little "niggers" got their fingers 
burned picking them up to sell to the ordnance department. Again on 
my skirmish line this evening was another good officer killed. Lieut, Col. 
Samuels fell from a rifle ball. From Decatur all the way around to the 
Turner's Ferry road the enemy has moved to our left. . . . There are 
. no fiies or vermin in our camp — strange but true. 

27th. I made a reconnoissance with two brigades and artillery to Tur- 
ner's Ferry over the Chattahoochee river. We had a tight there and cap- 
tured some prisoners. They told me that the place, as I could see, was 
strongly fortified: that the Twentieth Corps (Hooker's) occupied the work; 
that Hooker had gone and Slocum was in command. I think they told 
me this, although not named in my diary. We slept in peace. 

28th. I rode through the city. To give you an idea of the terrible mus- 



222 Two Wars. 

ketry tire, in an open field between their picket line and mine one brigade 
picked up about five thousand pounds of lead balls that had been tired on 
the lines. The "round was literally covered with them— oxidized white 
like hailstones. Trees three and four inches in diameter in front of my 
line were cut down by balls. The lead was sold to the ordnance officers, 
and the weight was thus known. 

29th, 80th. Our troops are moving to the left. Six of our men crossed 
the river and captured nine men and two wagons. 

31st. Featherston and Walthall have been withdrawn from the city. 
My division and some State troops under the charge of Gen. G. W . Smith 
alone are in the city to-day. Some cavalry scouts followed my scouts 
nearly into the city. Firing is heard on our left. The railroad to Macon 
was cut to-day. This is unpleasant news. 

September 1. This morning the news is that Hardee had failed to dis- 
lodge Sherman from his position. Everything indicates that Atlanta is to 
be abandoned, ami before noon the order came. 1 became the rear guard. 
There is confusion in the city, and some of the soldiers in the town are 
drunk. Common sense is w anted. The five heavy guns that I had ordered 
to he spiked by the rear guard at 1 1 P. M. were burned by order of the chief 
of ordnance at 5 P.M., a proclamation to the enemy in my front that we 
were evacuating the place. As soon as I started to leave the works some 
of Hood's officers tired the ordnance trains. This should have been done 
the last of all, when the rearguard or pickets were withdrawn. Who would 
extinguish an ordnance train of bursting shells'.' So lighted by the glare 
of tires. Hashes of powder, ami bursting shells, I slowly left Atlanta, and at 
daylight on the morning of the 2d we were not live miles out of the city. 
I started soon after for Lovejoy's Station. 

3d. Featherston look the advance, hast evening artillery was heard 
at Lovejoy's Station. Hardee was holding in check all of Sherman's army 
except the Twentieth Corps, and we are marching to his assistance. I 
passed S. D. Lee's Corps on the road. It was yesterday at Rough and 
Ready. This is attacking in detail as usual. On arrival my division was 
ordered to relieve Gen. Brown's. Afterdark I was ordered to move to my 
left ami (Jen. Guisl to his right to exchange positions. This was a delib- 
erately planned trick of Hardee's to put me in one side of a salient angle 
that was subject to a reverse lire of artillery from the enemy. 

4th. This morning cannonading was not so rapid. 

5th. hast night [ made a change of position. Firing as usual. While 
I was on the line Capt. Kennerly (Mrs. Bowen's brother) and four others 
were killed and five wounded. During the day I lost forty men. 

6th. It was now discovered that the enemy were falling hack to take 
possession of Atlanta, now abandoned. Gave Cockrell permission to pur- 
sue them, and he skirmished with their rear guard and killed many of them 
and returned with over twenty prisoners. 

7th, 8th, and 9th. [Diary records no important events. | 

loth. A communication from Sherman to Hood was received stating 
that the citizens of Atlanta must leave. Those who so elect will he sen! 
to the North. The remainder will he sent South. The work is to com- 
mence on Monday. There arc about eighteen thousand people in the city. 
1 am told that he also offers to exchange prisoners, provided he should re- 
ceive only men who have yet t wo years toserve in the United States arin\ . 
Prisoners who have served out the period of their enlistment, or have only 
a short time to serve, will not be received. Gen. Loring returned to-day. 



CHAPTER X\\. 

THE BATTLE OF ALLATOOXA. 

From Lovejoy'a to Lost Mountain— Big Shanty— Acworth— Destroying 

Railroad — In the Rear of Sherman — Situation of the Two Armies— Or- 
ders to Destroy the Etowah River Bridge— To Fill Up the Railroad Cut 
at Allatoona — Hood Not Aware that Allatoona Was Fortified and Garri- 
soned — March to Allatoona — Summons to Surrender — No Answer — Gen. 
Corse's Report Erroneous — The Fortifications — Strength of Forces — 
Equalization of Forces— Some Federal Dispatches — The Battle — Corse's 
Account — Col. Ludlow's Description — Desperate Fighting — The Main 
Line Captured — Enemy Driven into an Interior Fort — Dispatches from 
(icn. Armstrong Respecting Movements of the Enemy at Big Shanty — 
Withdraw to Avoid Being Surrounded by Converging Forces— Corse's 
Dispatch to Sherman — Provision s — Con federates Three Days and Nights 
without Rest or Sleep — Pass by the Enemy- Evangelist P. P. Bliss 
Writes the (Gospel) Hymn. '-Hold the Fort "—Hood and His Erroneous 
Publications in His Book— His Admiration for Corse -My Admiration 
for the Confederates — The Soldier's Crave — The Lone Crave — Lieut. 
Gen. A. P. Stewart's Note in Regard to This Account of the Battle. 

September 29. This morning Loring's, Walthall's, and my divisions 
moved on the Pumpkinton road and crossed the Chattahoochee werand en- 
camped beyond Villa Rica. The following day we marched to near Browns- 
ville Post Office. 

Saturday. October 1. I remained in camp. At 1(1 a.m. all the division 
commanders wen 1 invited to Gen. Hood's headquarters, and the object of 
the move was discussed: I found in the room on my arrival Gens. Stew- 
art. S. D. Lee, Loring, Walthall, Stevenson, and Clayton. As soon as I 
entered the room Hood said to me: "Gen. French, what do you think Gen. 
Sherman will do now.'" I replied: "I suppose he will turn southwest and 
move on to Mobile: or he may go to Augusta to destroy our powder mills, 
and then make for Charleston or Savannah." "In that event do 3-011 be- 
lieve he can sustain his troops on the march if our cavalry lay waste the 
country before him?" I answered: "He will find all he wants as he moves 
on." To this Hood replied: "Well. I have nothing to do with that, as the 
President has promised to attend to that matter." Every officer presenl 
disagreed with me save Gen. S. I). Lee. He thought all would have-diffi- 
culty to subsist except the cavalry. 

On the subject of destroying' Sherman's communications my 
diary says: 

I was in favor of an immediate move on the railroad above Kennesaw 
with the whole army, and expressed my regrets at the delay. 

I received orders to move to-morrow. We were requested to inform 



Battle of Allatooxa. 225 

the brigade commanders of the object of moving in the rear of Sherman's 
army, and they were to inform the regimental and company officers. 

2d. I left camp and marched to Moon's, and this brought us to the same 
ground we occupied on the 24th of May. 

3d. When Sherman discovered that Hood had crossed the Chattahoo- 
chee and wasmarching to obtain possession of his line of communication, he 
immediately adopted measures to defeat Hood's plans and give him bat- 
tle. 

The general situation of the two armies to-day is: Sherman's main body 
of troops is at Atlanta, with garrisons at the Chattahoochee, Vining's, Ma- 
rietta, Kennesaw, Big Shanty. Moon's, Acworth, Allatoona Creek, Allatoo 
na fortifications garrisoned by just about one thousand men, Gen. Elliott. 
chief of cavalry, with his command at Kennesaw. Gen. J. E. Smith, with 
his division, at Cartersville, Gen. J. M. Corse at Rome with a division, and 
the garrisons at important places on up to Chattanooga, as disclosed by 
the movements of troops, dispatches sent directing their movements, and 
subsequent information. 

Hood's army marched to Eost Mountain, where he remained with two 
corps, while Stewart's Corps went thence in the rear of the enemy's line 
of fortifications to Big Shanty. Gen. Featherston captured some forty 
prisoners at Big Shanty, and commenced destroying the railroad. Lor- 
ing. sent to Acworth (near Allatoona). captured about two hundred pris- 
oners, an. I Walthall took seventy prisoners at M Station. All night 

every one was hard at work destroying the railroad, and the next day by 
noon we had about eight miles of the track taken up and the rails twisted. 
4th. At noon, when filling up the railroad cuts at Big Shanty. I re- 
ceived orders to till up the deep cut of the railroad at Allatoona. aiid then, 
if possible, destroy the railroad bridge over the Etowah river. Aboutthis 
time some one living near by told us that the enemy had fortifications at 
Allatoona. well garrisoned and commissary stores there. Under these 
peculiar orders (which will be given in full hereafter in my report) I left 
Big Shanty with my division at 3 p.m. for Acworth and thence to Alla- 
toona, while Loring and Walthall were ordered in the direction of New 
Hope Church. I was now entering the zone of active movements of the 
Federals, and away from all support, and all support from me, and the 
enemy converging on Allatoona from all directions. I reached Acworth 
about dark, and was detained there till 11 p.m., awaiting rations and get- 
ting some one for a guide. I saw camp fires of the enemy east of the rail- 
road and north of Kennesaw, and night signals from Allatoona to Kenne- 
saw. From two young ladies, who to-day had visited Allatoona, I ob- 
tained the name of the commander there, and the probable strength of the 
enemy in the several works. I also succeeded, through some of the citi- 
zens, in getting a boy for a guide. I moved from Acworth about 11 p.m.. 
and on arriving at Allatoona Creek I left there the Fourth Mississippi 
Regiment and one piece of artillery, with instructions to burn the bridge 
and capture the garrison of one hundred men in the blockhouse. When 
at Acworth I sent fifteen men from a Capt. Taylor's company of caval- 
ry, Pinson's Regiment, to strike the railroad near the Etowah river ami 
15 



226 Two Wars. 

tear up tin- track t<> prevent reinforcements from reaching Allatoona. I 
moved on then from the creek, ami arrived before Allatoona about 3 a.m. 
All was darkness: nothing could be seen except occasional lights Hitting 
about the place. 1 put the artillery, eleven guns, in position, or rather 
left them in what the guide said was a good place, and also left two regi-^ 
ments of Ector's Brigade under Col. Andrews as a support to them. With 
the guide directing, 1 moved the division to gain the Hank and rear of the 
line of works. There were live detached works on the high ridge through 
which the Western and Atlantic railroad runs. No road leads to this ridge 
except the Cartersville road, that ascends the ridge by a winding ascent, 
and enters the works, passing within a few feet of the main redoubt, un- 
der its nuns, and then runs on the crest of the ridge for two hundred and 
fifty yards to where it passes out through the fortifications. So the guide 
directed us through the dark woods and up the steep, rugged, rocky hills. 
and down into dee]) valleys until we were lost, and the guide acknowledged 
that lie could not find the way. This determined me to stop and rest till 
daylight. The pickets had been driven in. and now and then shots were 
exchanged. Starting again at dawn. 1 reached the high ridge on which 
the redoubts were at 7:80 a.m. with the leading brigade. I halted Cock- 
rell's and Ector's Brigades on the ridge, and sent Gen. Sears to gain the 
rear of the works. The artillery opened lire on the forts (one on either 
side of the railroad) about 7 a.m.. and when we gained the ridge appeared 
to keep the enemy quiet. 

These dispositions being made, about 8 a.m. I summoned the command- 
er to surrender the place. I then supposed the garrison consisted of only 
about nine hundred men. as reported to me at Acworth. Maj. D. W. 
Sanders was instructed to allow about twenty minutes for the officer to 
whom he delivered the message to go and return with the reply. After 
waiting longer than the specified time, he returned without an answer. 
Believing Sears was now well around on the northside, and havingwaited 
to hear his attack so long. I put Cockrell's Brigade in motion, supported 
by Ector's Brigade (of four regiments), to make the attack, as it was now 
10:20 a.m. 

The thi-ee companies of the Ninety-Third Illinois that were in the two 
extreme west redoubts abandoned them without making much resistance, 
and fell back to a very strong line of defense protected by all the entan- 
glements of modern warfare. Through the center of this work ran the 
Cartersville road. This part of the defensive work was occupied by the 
Thirty-Ninth Iowa. Seventh Illinois, and seven companies of the Ninety- 
Third Illinois, making, in officers and men, a total of just about nine hun- 
dred. Against this force, placed in carefully constructed works, I could 
send only the Missouri brigade and four regiments of the Texas brigade, 
in all one thousand three hundred and fifty. I had been informed by 
Gen. Armstrong that the enemy's cavalry was moving up east of the rail- 
road. Then again I received from him a second dispatch informing me 
that the Federal infantry was passing through Big Shanty and moving up 
the railroad. This dispatch was dated 11 a.m. Knowing that this column 
could reach the junction of the Sandtown and Dallas roads before I could, 
I determined to withdraw, trasting to arrive there first. 




F. M. COCKKELL 



Battle of All atoona. 229 

But as all these matters are more fully referred to in my re- 
port, I will here quit, for the present, further extracts from my 
diary, and give the report. 

In Volume 39, Series 1, page 814, will be found in the " War 
Records'" the following report: 

Headquarters French's Division, ( 
Tuscumbia, Ala., Novembers, 1864. i 
General: Sometime since I had the honor to submit to you a brief pre- 
liminary report of the battle of Allatoona. As the report of the brigade 
commanders are now in, I have the honor to forward one embracing some 
of the details of the battle. 

About noon on the 4th of October, when at Big Shanty, the following 
order was handed me by Lieut. Gen. Stewart, it being a copy of one to 
him: 

Headquarters Army of Tennessee, October 4. 18G4, 7:30 a. m. 

Lieut. Gen. A. P. Stewart, Commanding Corps. 

General: Gen. Hood directs that later in the evening you move Stev- 
enson back to Davis's Gross Roads, and that you bring two of your divi- 
sions back to Adams's and between Adams's and Davis's Gross Roads, 
placing them in such a way as to cover the position at Adams's now occu- 
pied by Stevenson, and that your third division (say French) shall move 
up the railroad and Mil up the deep cut at Allatoona with logs, brush, 
rails, dirt, etc. To-morrow morning at daylight he desires Stevenson to 
be moved to Lieut. Gen. Lee's actual left, that two of your divisions at that 
time at Adams's shall draw back, with your left in the neighborhood of 
Davis's Cross Roads, and your right in the neighborhood of Lost Moun- 
tain, and the division that will have gone to Allatoona to march thence to 
New Hope Church and on the position occupied by your other troops — that 
is, that the division shall rejoin your command by making this march out 
from the railroad and via New Hope. Gen. Hood thinks that it is probable 
that the guard at the railroad bridge on Etowah is small, and when French 
goes to Allatoona, if he can get such information as would justify him, if 
possible move to that bridge and destroy it. Gen. Hood considers its de- 
struction would be a great advantage to the army and the country. Should 
he be able to destroy the bridge, in coming out he could move, as has been 
heretofore indicated, via New Hope. 

Yours respectfully. A. P. Mason. 

Assistant Adjutant General. 

Soon after an order, of which the following is a copy, was sent me: 

Headquarters Army of Tennessee, ) 

Office of the Chief of Staff, October 4, 1864, 11:30 a.m. \ 

Lieut. Gen. Stewart, Commanding. 

General: Gen. Hood directs me to say that it is of the greatest impor- 
tance to destroy the Etowah railroad bridge, if such a thing is possible. 
From the best information we have now he thinks the enemy cannot dis- 
turb us before to-morrow, and by that time your main body will be near the 
remainder of our army. He suggests that if it be considered practicable 
to destroy the bridge when the division goes there and the artillery is placed 
in position the commanding officer shall call for volunteers to go to the 
bridge with lightwood and other combustible material that can be obtained, 
and set fire to it. 

Yours respectfully, A. P. Mason, 

Major and Assistant Adjutant General. 



230 Two Wars. 

Gen. Stewart's ( lorps had struck the railroad at Big Shanty on the even- 
ing of the 3d, and all three of his divisions had worked all night destroy- 
ing the railroad from near Kennesaw up to Aeworth Station. As we had 
been informed at Big Shanty that the Allatoona pass or cut was fortified, 
and that the enemy had a garrison there of three regiments, and had ac- 
cumulated a considerable amount of provisions, it was considered a mat- 
ter of importance that the place should be captured, and after the orders 
were handed me, at my request. Gen. Stewart sent me (with Maj. Myrick) 
four additional pieces of artillery. It would appear, however, from these 
orders that the general in chief was not aware that the pass was fortified and 
garrisoned that I was sent /<> havefilled up. Under these orders I left Big 
Shanty about 3:30 P.M., and marched to Aeworth, a distance of six miles, 
arriving there before sunset. There I was detained, awaiting the arrival 
of rations and cooking them, until 11 p.m. 

As I knew nothing of the roads, the enemy's works or position, it was 
important to procure a 'guide, and at last a young man. or rather boy, was 
found who knew the roads, and had seen the position of the fortifications 
at Allatoona, he being a member of a cavalry company. At Aeworth 
Capt. Taylor, of Pinson's Regiment of cavalry, with twenty-five men, re- 
ported to me for duty. He was immediately directed to send fifteen men 
under a trusty officer to strike the railroad as near the Etowah railroad 
bridge as possible, and take up the rails and hide or destroy them, to pre- 
vent trains from reaching Allatoona with reenforcements, as well as to 
prevent any trains that might be there from escaping. From an eminence 
near Aeworth the enemy could be seen communicating messages by their 
night signals from Allatoona with the station on Kennesaw: ami to the east 
of us were the tires of a large encampment of the Federals and apparently 
opposite Moon's Station. Citizens residing here informed me that there 
was a blockhouse with a garrison of about one hundred men at the Alla- 
toona bridge; that at Allatoona there were two small redoubts with out- 
works, defended with four pieces of artillery and garrisoned with three 
and a half regiments of infantry. About 11 p.m. the march was resumed. 
The night was very dark, and the roads bad. After crossing Allatoona 
creek, Col. Adaire, with his Fourth Regiment, Mississippi Volunteers, and 
one piece of artillery, was left near the blockhouse with instructions to 
surround it, capture the garrison, and destroy the bridge over the creek. 
Continuing the march, the division arrived before Allatoona about 8 a.m. 
Nothing could be seen but one or. two twinkling lights on the opposite 
heights, and nothing was heard except the occasional interchange of shots 
between our advanced guards and the pickets of the garrison in the val- 
ley below. All was darkness. I had no knowledge of the place, and it 
was important to attack at the break of day. Taking the guide and lights, 
1 placed the artillery in position on the hills sout h and east of the railroad, 
and the Thirty-Ninth North Carolina Regiment, nnder Col. Coleman, and 
the Thirty-Second Texas were left as a supporting force, both under com- 
mand of Col. J. A. Andrews, commanding the latter regiment. This be- 
ing done, I proceeded with the guide to gain the heights, or ridge, crowned 
l,y the works of the enemy. Without roads or paths the head of the line 



232 Two Wahs. 

reached the railroad, crossed it, and began ascending and descending the 
high, steep, and densely limbered spurs of the mountains, and after about 
an hour's march it was found that we were* directly in front of the works, 
and not on the main ridge. The guide made a second effort to gain the 
ridge, and failed, so dark was it in the woods. I therefore determined to 
rest where we were and await daylight. With the dawn t'ae march was 
resinned, and finally, by 7:30 a.m., the head of the column was on the 
ridge about six hundred yards west of the main fortifications, and between 
those he occupied and an abandoned redoubt on our left. 

Here the fortifications, for the first time, were seen, and instead of two 
redoubts there were disclosed to us three redoubts on the west of the rail- 
road cut, and a star fort on the east with outer works and approaches de- 
fended to a great distance by abatis, and nearer the works by stockades 
and other obstructions. The railroad emerges from the Allatoona Moun- 
tain by crossing this ridge through a cut sixty-five feet deep. Dispositions 
for the assault were now made by sending Gen. Sears's Brigade to the 
north side or rear of the works. Gen. F. M. Cockrell's (Missouri) Brigade 
to rest with its center on' the ridge, while Gen. W. H. Young, with the four 
Texas regiments, was found in the rear of Gen. Cockrell. 

Maj. Myrick had opened on the works with his artillery, and was or- 
dered to continue his lire until the attacking force should interfere, or un- 
til he heard the volleys of musketry. 

Gen. Sears was to commence the assault on the rear, and when mus- 
ketry was heard Gen. Cockrell was to move down the ridge, supported by 
Gen. Young, and carry the works by (as it were) a flank attack. So ruggei I 
and abrupt were the hills that the troops could not be gotten into position 
until about 9 a.m., when I sent a summons to surrender. The Hag was 
met by a Federal staff officer, and he was allowed seventeen minutes to 
return an answer. The time expired without any answer being received, 
whereupon Maj. D. W. Sanders, impatient at the delay, broke off the in- 
terview and returned. No reply being sent me, the order was given for 
the assault by directing the advance of Cockrell's Brigade. Emerging 
from the woods and passing over a long distance of abatis formed of felled 
timber, and under a severe fire of musketry and artillery, nobly did it 
press forward, followed by the gallant Texans. The enemy's outer line 
and one redoubtsoon fell. Resting to gather strength and survey the u ork 
before them, again they rushed forward in column, and in amurderous 
hand-to-hand conflict that left the ditches tilled with the dead they became 
masters of the second redoubt. 

The third and main redoubt, now filled by those driven from the rap- 
tured works on the west side of the railroad, was further crowded by t host- 
that were coming out of the fort on the east side of the road, from the at- 
tack of Gen. Sears. They had to cross the deep cut, through which our 
artillery poured a steady and deadly fire. The Federal forces were now 
confined to one redoubt, and we occupied the ditch and almost entirely si- 
lenced their fire, and were preparing for the final attack. 

Pending the progress of these events I had received a note from Gen. F. 
<C. Armstrong, dated 7 a.m.. asking me at what time I would move toward 



The Attack on Allatoona. 233 

New Hope, and informing me also that the enemy had moved up east of 
the railroad above Kennesaw and encamped there last night, I had ob- 
served this movement when at Acworth, but at 12 m. I received another 
dispatch from him. written at 9 a.m., saying: "My scouts report the ene- 
my's infantry advancing up the railroad. They are now entering Big 
Shanty. They have a cavalry force east of the railroad."' 

On the receipt of this second note from Gen. Armstrong I took my guide 
aside and particularly asked him if, after the capture of the place, 1 could 
move to New Hope Church by any other route than the one by the block- 
house at Allatoona creek and thence by the Sandtown road to the Ac- 
worth and Dallas road, and he said 1 could not. Here, then, was Gen. 
Sherman's whole army close behind me, and the advance of his infantry 
moving on Acworth, which changed the whole condition of affairs. Am- 
munition had to be carried from the wagons, a mile distant at the base of 
the hills, by men, and I was satisfied that it would take two hours to get 
it up and distribute it under tire before the final assault. 1 had learned 
from prisoners tl Kit before daylight the place had been reen forced by a 
brigade under Gen. Corse. I knew the enemy was at Big Shanty at t) a.m. 
By noon he could reach Acworth and be within two miles of the road on 
which I was to reach New Hope Church. I knew Gen. Stewart had been 
ordered to near Lost Mountain. My rnen had marched all day on the 3d; 
worked all thenight of the 3d destroying the railroad: that they had worked 
and marched all day on the 4th; marched to Allatoona on the night of the 
4th: had fought up to the afternoon of the 5th; and could they pass the en- 
tire third day and night without rest or sleep if we remained to assault the 
remaining works? I did not doubt that the enemy would endeavor to get 
in my rear to intercept my return. 

He was, in the morning, but three hours distant, and had been signaled 
to repeatedly during the battle. Under these circumstances 1 determined 
to withdraw, however depressing the idea of not capturing the place after 
so many had fallen, and when in all probability we could force a surren- 
der before night. Yet. however desirous I was of remaining before the 
last work and forcing a capitulation, or of carrying this interior work by 
assault, I deemed it of more importance not to permit the enemy to cut 
my division off from the army. After deliberately surveying matters as 
they presented themselves to me. I sent to Gen. Sears to withdraw his men 
at once, moving by the route he went in, and directed Gen. Cockrell to 
commence withdrawing at 1:30 p.m. 

Before the action commenced it was foreseen that it would be impossi- 
ble to carry any wounded, on litters, to the road where the ambulances 
were placed, owing to the steepness of the hills, the ravines, and the dense 
woods. Accordingly the wounded were brought to the springs near the 
ridge. All who could be moved without the use of litters were taken to 
the ambulances. The others were left in charge of sui'geons detailed to 
remain with them. 

The troops re-formed on the original ground, west of the works, and 
marched to the south side near the artillery, and at 3:30 p.m. commenced 
the move toward New Hope, After the troops left I rode on down to Col. 



234 Two Wars. 

Andrews's position in front of the works and directed hi m to remain until 
5 P.M., and then withdraw and move on in our rear. 

Before I commenced to withdraw the infantry from the captured works 
(but after the guide said I would have to return by the way I came) I sent 
orders to Maj. Myrick to send two batteries and caissons to a point beyond 
the blockhouse on the Sandtown road, to act in concert with the troops left 
there. Having been informed by Col. Andrews that the blockhouse at the 
Allatoona bridge had not been captured. I directed Capt. Kolb. with his 
battery that had remained with Col. Andrews, to move on and report to 
Gen. Cockrell for the purpose of taking the blockhouse. 

Shortly after 4 P.M., and when not a person could be seen in or around 
the forts. I left the command of Col. Andrews and overtook the division 
near the blockhouse. Col. Adaire had burned the railroad bridge over 
Allatoona creek (over two hundred feet long), and also the duplicate of 
the bridge, which had been already framed to replace the old structure. 
Under the increased artillery tire the garrison of the blockhouse surren- 
dered. 

We captured two hundred and live prisoners, one United Stales Hag, 
and the colors of the Ninety-Third Regiment of Illinois, a number of 
horses, arms. etc.. and killed and wounded seven hundred and fifty of the 
enemy, being, with the garrison of the blockhouse, over one thousand. 

History will record the battle of Allatoona one of the most sanguinary 
of the war: and when it is remembered that the enemy fought from within 
their strong redoubts the desperate deeds of daring performed by our 
troops in overcoming so many of the foe will win a meed of praise for 
their heroic valor. 

The artillery opened about 7 a.m., and, except when the tiasr of truce 
was sent in. continued until 2 p.m. 

The attack, commencing about 10 a.m.. continued unremittingly until 
L:30 P.M., and the rattle of musketry did not cease entirely until 3 P.M., 
when it died away, and a silence like the pall of death rested over the 
scene, contrasting strangely with the previous din of battle. 

I cannot do justice to the gallantry of the troops. No one faltered in 
his duty, and all withdrew from the place with the regret that Gen. Sher- 
man's movements closing up behind us — forbade our remaining longer 
to force a surrender of the last work. 

After leaving out the three regiments that formed no part of the assault- 
ing force. I had but little over two thousand men. 

My entire-loss in killed, wounded, and missing was 799, asfollows: Cock- 
rell's Brigade: Killed. 42: wounded, 182; missing, 22. Sears's Brigade: 
Killed. 37; wounded. 114: missing, 200. Ector's Brigade: Killed, 43; 
wounded. 147: missing, 11. Staff: Captured, 1. Total: Killed. 122; 
wounded. 443: missing. 233; captured, 1. Grand total. 799. 

Among the killed from Sears's Brigade is Col. W. II. (.'lark. Forty-Sixth 
Mississippi. He fell in the advance, near the enemy's works, with the Wat- 
tle flag in his hands. He was an excellent and a gallant officer. Also, 
were killed Capt. B. Davidson and Lieuts. C. C. Edwards. J. It. Henry, 
and J. 1). Davis. Col. \V. S. Barry. Thirty-Fifth Mississippi, and Maj. 




MA. I. 1). \\ . SANDERS. 



Heavy Losses. 237 

Pari in, Tkirty-Sixlh Mississippi, were wounded, together with Capts. R. 
G. Yates and A. J. Farmer and Lieuts. J. N. McCoy, G. H. Bannemian, 
J. M. Chadwick, J. Copewood, R. E. Jones, E. W. Brown, G. H. Moore, 
and Ensigns G. W. Cannon and A. Scarborough. 

Texas will mourn for the death of some of her bravest and best men. 
Capt. Somerville, Thirty-Second Texas, was killed after vainly endeavor- 
ing to enter the last work, where his conspicuous gallantry had carried 
him and his little band. Capts. Gibson, Tenth Texas, Bates, Ninth Texas, 
Lieuts. Alexander, Twenty-Ninth North Carolina, and Dixon E. Wetzel, 
Ninth Texas, were killed while gallantly leading their men. 

Brig. Gen. W. H. Young, commanding the Texas Brigade, was wounded. 
Most gallantly he bore his part in the action. Col. Camp, Fourteenth 
Texas, one of the best officers in the service, was seriously wounded. Also 
Majs. McReynolds, Ninth Texas, and Purdy, Fourteenth Texas. Of the 
captains wounded were Wright, Lyles, Russell. Vannoy, and Ridley, and 
Lieuts. Tunnell, Haynes, Gibbons, Agee. Morris, O'Brien, Irwin, Reeves, 
and Robertson. 

In the Missouri Brigade were killed or mortally wounded Majs. W. F. 
Carter and O. A. Waddell, Capts. A. J. Byrne, A. C. Patton, John S. Hol- 
land, Lieuts. Thomas S. Shelly, Joel F. Yancey, G. R. Elliott, R. J. Lamb, 
G. T. Duvall, and W. H. Dunnica, and Ensign H. W. De Jarnette — men 
who had behaved well and nobly during the whole campaign. 

Among the wounded are Maj. R. J. Williams, Capts. Thompson Alvord, 
G. McChristian, G. W. Covell. and A. F. Burns, Lieuts. Joseph Boyce, Si- 
las II. F. Hornback. J. L. Mitchell. A. H. Todd, and H. Y. Anderson, and 
Ensign William A. Byrd. 

I have named the killed and wounded officers in this report. The names 
of the private soldiers who fell or were wounded will also be tiled with this 
as, soon as they are received. It is due to the dead, it is just to the living, 
that they who have no hopes of being heralded by fame, and who have 
but little incentive except the love of country and the consciousness of a 
just cause to impel them to deeds of daring, and who have shed their 

1)1 1 for a just cause, should have this little tribute paid them by me, 

whose joy it was to be with them. 

For the noble dead the army mourns, a nation mourns. For the living, 
honor and respect will await them wherever they shall be known, as faith- 
ful soldiers, who, for their dearest rights, have so often gone through the 
fires of battle and the baptism of blood. It would perhaps be an invidious 
distinction to name individual officers or men for marked or special serv- 
ices or distinguished gallantry where all behaved so well, for earth never 
yielded to the tread of nobler soldiers. 

I am indebted to Gens. Cockrell, Sears, and Young for bravery, skill, 
and unflinching firmness. 

To Col. Earp, on whom the command of the gallant Texans devolved, 
and to Col. Andrews, who commanded on the south side, and Maj. My- 
rick, commanding the artillery, I return thanks for services. Maj. D. W. 
Sanders, assistant adjutant general. Lieut. Wiley Abercrombie. aid, Capt. 
W. H. Cain, volunteer aid, Capt. Porter and Lieut. Mosby, engineers, were 



238 Two Wars. 

zealous in the performance of their duties, and E. T. Freeman, assistant 
inspector general, was conspicuous for his gallant conduct. I commend 
the last-named to the government for promotion. 

Col. E. Gates, First and Third Missouri, Maj. E. H. Hampton. Twenty- 
Ninth North Carolina, and W. J. Sparks, Tenth Texas, and Lieut. Cahal, 
of Gen. Stewart's staff, are named for gallant services. 

Lieut. M. W. Armstrong, Tenth Texas, seized the United Slates stand- 
ard from the Federals, and after a struggle brought it and the bearer of 
it oft* in triumph. 

In the inclosed reports of brigade commanders will be found the names 
of rnany officers and soldiers that I know are entitled to commendation 
and all marks of distinction that the government can award. 

The cavalry officer who was sent to cut the railroad (early in the after- 
noon of the 4th) and failed to perform that duty is. in my opinion, much 
to blame. Had he taken up the rails (and there was nothing to prevent it), 
reinforcements could not have been thrown in the works, and the resull 
would have been different. After events showed that a cavalry force and 
Corse's other brigade arrived just three hours after we lift Allatoona, and re- 
enforced the garrison in the tort. 

Very respectfully submitted. S. G. French, 

Major General Commanding. 

You have now my official report of the battle of Allatoona as 
it was written soon after the event, and I will say here that, had 
I known it would have been so incorrectly reported by Gen. 
Corse, it would have embraced much matter of detail elucidatino; 
what occurred. I shall now proceed to copy some part of (Jen. 
Corse's report, after which its errors will be pointed out as sub- 
stantiated by facts not then known, and some that were not re- 
garded. So, with my report, unintentional errors have been 
made known, as shown by subsequent information. 
Gen. Corse's Report. 
I directed Col. Rowett to hold the spur on which the Thirty- 
Ninth Iowa and the Seventh Illinois were formed, . . . and taking 
two companies of the Ninety-Third Illinois down a spur parallel with the 
railroad and along the bank of the cut, so disposed them as to hold the 
north side as long as possible. Three companies of the Ninety-Third, 
which had been driven from the west end of the ridge, were distributed 
in the ditch south of the redoubt, with instructions to keep the town well 
covered by their fire, and to watch the depot where the rations were stored. 
The remaining battalion of the Ninety-Third, under Maj. Fisher, lay be- 
tween the redoubt anil Rowett's line, ready to reenforce wherever most 

needed. 

I had barely issued the orders when the storm broke in all its fury on 
the Thirty-Ninth Iowa and the Seventh Illinois. Young's Brigade of Tex- 
ans had gained the west end of the ridge, and moved with great impetuos- 



Extbacts from Gen. Corse's Report. 239 

ity along its crest till they struck Rowett's command, when they received 
a severe check, but, undaunted, came again and again. Rowett, reen- 
forced by the gallant Redfield, encouraged me to hope that we were safe 
here, when I observed Gen. Sears's Brigade moving from the north, its 
left extending across the railroad (opposite Tourtellotte). I rushed to the 
two companies of the Ninety-Third Illinois, which Avere on the brink of 
the crest running north from the redoubt, they having been reenforcedby 
the retreating pickets, and urged them to hold on to the spur: but it was 
of no avail; the enemy's line of battle swept us back like so much chaff, 
and struck the Thirty-Ninth Iowa in Hank, threatening to ingulf our little 
band without further ado. Fortunately for us, Col. Tourtellotte's fire caught 
Sears in Hank, and broke him so badly as to enable me to get a staff offi- 
cer over the cut with orders to bring the Fiftieth Illinois over to reenforce 
Rowett, who had lost very heavily. However, before the regiment sent 
for could arrive. Scars and Young both rallied, and made their assaults in 
front ami on the flank with so much vigor and in such force as to break 
Rowett's line, and had not the Thirty-Ninth Iowa fought with the desper- 
ation it did, I never should have been able to get a man back inside the re- 
doubt; as it was, their hand-to-hand conflict broke the enemy to that ex- 
tent that he must stop and re-form before undertaking the assault on the 
fort. Under cover of the blows they gave the enemy the Seventh and 
Ninety-Third Illinois, and what remained of the Thirty-Ninth Iowa, fell 
back into the fort. 

The fighting up to this time, about 11 a.m., was of the most extraordi- 
nary character. Attacked from the north, from the west, and from the 
south, these three regiments (the Thirty-Ninth Iowa and the Seventh and 
Ninety Third Illinois) held Young's and a portion of Sears's and Cock- 
rell's Brigades at bay for nearly two hours and a half. The gallant Col. 
Redfield, of the Thirty-Ninth Iowa, fell shot in four places, and the ex- 
traordinary valor of the men and officers of this regiment and the Seventh 
Illinois saved to us Allatoona. 

So completely disorganized were the enemy that no regular assault could 
be made on the fort till I had the trenches all rilled and the parapets lined 
with men. The Twelfth and Fiftieth Illinois, arriving from the east hill, 
enabled us to occupy every foot of trench, and keep up a line of fire that, 
as long as our ammunition lasted, would render our little fort impregna- 
ble. The broken pieces of the enemy enabled them to fill every hollow, 
and take every advantage of the rough ground surrounding the fort, fill- 
ing every hole and trench, seeking shelter behind every stump and log that 
lay within musket range of the fort. We received their fire from the 
north, south, and west of the redoubt, completely enfilading our ditches 
and rendering it almost impracticable for a man to expose his person 
above the parapet. An effort was made to carry our works by assault; 
but the battery (Twelfth Missouri) was so ably manned, and so gallantly 
fought, as to render it impossible for a column to live within a hundred 
yards of the work. Officers labored constantly to stimulate the men to 
expose themselves above the parapet, and nobly set them the example. 

The enemy kept a constant and intense fire, gradually closing around 



240 Two Wars. 

us, and rapidly filling our little tort with the dead and dying. About 1 
p.m. I was wounded by a rifle ball that rendered me insensible for some 
thirty or forty minutes, hut managed to rally on hearing some persons 
cry "Cease firing!" which eonveyed to me the impression that they were 
Irving to surrender the fort. 

Again I urged my staff, the few officers unhurt, and the men around un- 
to renewed exertions, assuring them that Sherman would soon be lure with 
reinforcements. The gallant fellows struggled to keep their heads above 
the ditch and parapets in the face of the murderous lire of the enemy now 
concentrated upon us. The artillery was silent, and a brave fellow, whose 
name I regret having forgotten, volunteered 1<> cross the railway cut, 
which was under fire of the enemy, and go to the fort on the east hill to 
procure ammunition. Having executed his mission successfully, he re- 
turned in a short time with an armload of canister and case shot. About 
2:30 p.m. the enemy were observed massing a force behind a small house 
and the ridge on which the house was located, distant northwest from the 
fort about one hundred and fifty yards. The dead and wounded were 
moved aside so as to enable us to move a piece of artillery to an embrasure 
commanding the house and ridge. A few shots from the gun threw the 
enemy's column into great confusion, which, being observed by our men. 
caused them to rush to the parapet and open such a fire that it was impos- 
sible for the enemy to rally. From this time until near 4 p.m. we had the 
advantage of the enemy, and maintained it with such success that they 
were driven from every position, and finally lied in great confusion, leav- 
ing their dead and wounded, and our little garrison in possession of the 
field. [See War Records.] 

The above extracts from Gen. Cars,'* n j><>rt are taken from 
:in addresg made by Col. William Ludlow, United Stales army, 
to the Michigan Commandery, at Detroit, April 2, L891, and I 
desire it to be borne in mind that he is a graduate of the Mili- 
tary Academy and was with Gen. Corse :it Allatoona during the 
battle, for I shall have cause to refer to his address after a while. 

There have been so many erroneous accounts given to the pub- 
lic of this battle, impugning of motives, guessing at the controll- 
ing objects that influence action, falsifying of numbers, glorify- 
ing dispatches, and complimentary orders, that won the admira- 
tion even of a Confederate lieutenant general, that I purpose, 
as well as I am able, to give an impartial account of it. 

To do justice to the troops engaged on either side in the con- 
flict, it will be necessary: 1. To have a knowledge of the ground 
or topography of the field of action. 2. The strength of the 
fortifications, and the time and labor bestowed on them. -'!. The 
strength of the respective forces. 4. The ratio of inequality be- 
tween men in strong fortifications and men attacking from with- 



Allatoona a "Natural Fortress." 241 

out, immediately on arrival. 5. The inspiring inducement to the 
garrison not to surrender when relief is at hand; and the advan- 
tage to be gained, if successful, compared with the risk of remain- 
ing after ascertaining that the enemy was converging on the 
place from every point. 

1. If an examination of this topographical map be made in 
connection with the photographic views of the railroad cut, the 
star fort, and the view from the sally port, it will give you an 
idea of the rough mountain spurs over which we had to pass. 

2. These forts and redoubts were built by a distinguished en- 
gineer in the United States army, and, with their mutual defen- 
sive relation the one to the other, form a remarkably strong line of 
fortifications on every side. Sherman wrote to Gen. Blair, June 
1, 1864, "Order the brigade left at Allatoona to be provided 
with tools, and to intrench both ends of the pass very strong," 
and frequently he speaks of Allatoona as a "natural fortress," 
etc. 

Beginning at the east, we have a fort about fifty feet in diam- 
eter in the interior (marked k 'T" on the map), near three hun- 
dred yards east of the railroad, with a deep ditch around it. 
Walls twelve feet thick, and having embrasures for artillery, for 
which it was mainly designed. This fort was connected with a 
line of heavy intrenchments extending to the railroad cut, and 
along the cut to defend the star fort "C" by a flank tire, and 
also the redoubt "R." Again, there are intrenchments on the 
east side of the railroad near the depot that sweep with a flank 
fire the south front of the star fort "C," the Carters ville road, 
depot, etc. There was also protection given by inundating the 
country north by a dam across the creek. 

Crossing the railroad to the west, on the summit of the ridge 
and on the verge of the deep cut, you will find the star fort "C' : 
surrounded by a wide ditch six feet deep. The interior is sev- 
enty-five feet in diameter, and has eight embrasures for large 
guns. It dominates, from its elevation, all the surrounding 
country, and commands the approach in every direction, com- 
pletely sweeping the ridge both east and west, protecting there- 
doubt "R" from any force attacking it. The Cartersville road 
passes under the muzzle of its guns, and then runs west on the 
ridge, through redoubt ""R." 

The two forts, "T" and "C," are interior isolated works for 
16 



Strength of the Respective Forces. 243 

artillery, and the tire from each swept all the other works both 
inside and externally. Both were surrounded by ditches six feet 
deep, making their parapets about twefot feet high. Conse- 
quently they could not be taken by assault without scaling lad- 
<1< rs, or otherwise, usual in sieges, unless by the sally port. In 
fact these two inside forts could be used as citadels, or a place of 
refuge when the long exterior lines of defense were captured. 
And this was the case with fort "C" in the battle of Allatoona. 
The whole formed a mountain fortress. 

The Federals call the intrenchments at "R" "rifle pits," to 
which they bear about as much relation, in regard to strength, 
as a battleship does to a dispatch boat. Commencing abouUme 
hundred and twenty-live yards west of the fort "C," and on the 
south side of the Cartersville road, are two lines of intrenchments 
running nearly parallel with that road. These two, or double, 
lines of defense converge and meet below the crest of the ridge,' 
then, turning north, cross the road (with angles for flanking tire) 
and continue north down the slope. From this north line an 
intrenchment runs due east toward the main fort. The parapet 
is revetted with timber, and the interior ditch is very wide. On 
the parapet are large chestnut head logs to protect the persons 
of the soldiers. In front were immense entanglements of abatis, 
stockades, stakes, etc., to check any assault on the works. So 
well was the work done that in 1890, when I was there, time had 
not defaced them, and the revetments and "head logs" are to- 
day as round as when placed there. I am the more" particular 
about this redoubt because here happened, perhaps, the bloodiest 
tragedy in the history of the war. 

3. The strength ofth* respective forces. 

Col. Tourtellotte's command was composed of the Ninety- 
Third Illinois, officers and men, 294; the Eighteenth Wisconsin, 
guns, 150; Fourth Minnesota, guns, 450; the Fifth Ohio Caval- 
ry, men, 16; giving an apparent total of 910. To this must yet 
be added the force for the six pieces of artillery, not less than 
60. If we add the company officers not enumerated, it will be 
found that Tourtellotte had about 1,000 officers and men. The 
above numbers are official. 

Corse's official statement is that he brought with him to Alla- 
toona the Thirty-Ninth Iowa, 280 men; Seventh Illinois, 267 
men; Fiftieth Illinois, 267 men; Fifty-Seventh Illinois, 61 men- 



244 Two Wabs. 

Twelfth Illinois, 155 men; or 1,030 men. To this must be added 

(say) 107 regimental and company officers, making' the force 
that he brought with him 1,137 officers and men. So with Tour- 
tellotte's troops the aggregate is 2,137 instead of 1,944 as re- 
ported by him, which excluded himself and officers. 

As regards the strength of my division at Allatoona, the War 
Records show that on September 20, at inspection, I had pres- 
ent for duty 331 officers and 2,945 men. Total, 3,276. 

Cockrell's Brigade was composed of eight small regiments con- 
solidated into four, Ector's Brigade of six regiments, and Sears's 
Brigade of six regiments, and two batteries, 8 guns. 

To this force add one four-gun battery sent with me, and de- 
duct one gun and one regiment left at Allatoona creek bridge, 
and my entire force present was •>', 197. 

And thus officially we have Federals, 2,132; Confederates, as 
above. 

4. Equalization of forces. 

The ratio of inequality between a force within ordinary in- 
trenchments in line of battle and the attacking force without is 
well known. 

Gen. Cox in his ''Atlanta Campaign, " page 129, says: "One 
man in the trench is equal to live in front/' Gen. O. O. How- 
ard, in reference to the battle of Kennesaw Mountain, says: 
" My experience is that a line of works thoroughly constructed, 
with the front well covered with abatis and other entanglements, 
well manned with infantry, whether with our own or that of the 
enemy, cannot be carried by direct assault." Gen. R. S. Gran- 
ger informs Gen. G. H. Thomas that the fort at Athens, manned 
by Too men, can hold out an enemy 10,000 strong. (War Rec- 
ords, V. 39, Part 3, page 519.) Vicksburg, Jackson, Cold Har- 
bor, Kennesaw, Petersburg, Atlanta, Knoxville, and other lines 
repelled the assaults. Now Allatoona was, without doubt, thrice 
as strong as these, and the attacking force was only ons and a 
half to ont inside. Then, too, we should consider that the works 
on the hills were almost inaccessible. 

Battery Wagner, a sand fort on a level plain on Morris Island. 
Charleston, S. C, was garrisoned by only 740 men, who success- 
fully defended \\> fifty -eight days and nights against the assaults 
and continuous tire of 11,500 men, with forty-seven cannon, aid- 
ed by ships — the Ironsides, eight monitors, and live gunboats. 



Inspiring Telegrams. 245 

And Fort Sumter never was taken by assault. It was quietly 
abandoned February 18, 1865. 

On Sunday, April 16, 1865, seven days after the surrender at 
Appomattox, a small redoubt or fort, of weak construction, gar- 
risoned by an unorganized force hastily collected, at West Point, 
Ga., near Atlanta, consisting of 64 men under Gen. Tyler and 
Col. J. H. Fannan, held the fort all day against 3,750 men of 
Gen. J. M. Wilson's command, and surrendered only for want 
of ammunition and loss of men. Col. O. H. LaGrange, of Wis- 
consin, commanded the Federals. Ratio, 1 to 62. 

5. The inspiring hopes given the garrison will be discovered 
in the following dispatches informing them aid was at hand, beg- 
ging them to hold out until reinforcements arrived. In these 
dispatches bear in mind that Gen. Stanley was in temporary 
command of the Army of the Cumberland, and Gen. Elliott was 
the commander in chief of Sherman's cavalry. I give only a 
few of the many dispatches in the War Records. 

No. 1. Volume 39, Part 3, Page 53. 

SHERMAN TO COMMANDING OFFICER AT ALLATOONA. 

October 3. 1864. 
Hood might slip up to Ac worth and Allatoona. I want the utmost 
vigilance there. If he goes to Allatoona, 1 want him only delayed long 
•enough for me to reach his rear. . . . If he moves up to Allatoona, 1 
will surely come in force. 

No. 2. Volume 39, Page 65. 

SHERMAN TO STANLEY. 

In the Field, October 4, 1864. 
I heard from Ge-n. Elliott to-night. He was on the Sandtown and Alla- 
toona road. ... I will be up to-day and move to Kennesaw. 

No. 3. Volume 39, Page 66. 

SHERMAN TO STANLEY. 

October 4, 1864. Received 10 a.m. 
Yes, move to Little Kennesaw and west of it. Tell Elliott in my name 
to interpose with his whole force between Dallas and Allatoona, and strike 
for any force in the direction of Ac worth. 

No. 4. Volume 39, Page 71. 

SHERMAN TO ELLIOTT. 

October 4, 1864, 11 p.m. 
Don't risk the safety of your cavalry until I get up with my whole 
force, but make bold reconnoissauces in connection with Gen. Stanley. 
My chief object is to prevent the enemy from making an attack on Alla- 
toona to-morrow. 



246 Two Wars. 

No. 5. Volume 39, Page 71. 

sherman to commanding officers at allatoona, kingston, and rome. 

October 4. 1864. 
The enemy is moving on Allatoona, thence to Rome. 

N<>. 6. Volume 39, Page 52. 

SHERMAN TO GEN. VANDEVER. 

October 3, 1864. 
Sherman wants the force at Big Shanty cleaned out, and wants it done 
to-night if possible. 

No. 7. Volume 39, Page 75. 

CORSE TO GEN. J. E. SMITH. 

Rome, October 4. 1864. 
I will move my entire command to Cartersville and unite with Gen. 
Raum in attacking the enemy from Allatoona direct. 

No. 8. Volume 39, Pali: 75. 

CORSE TO RAUM. 

Rome, October 4. 1864. 

I am expecting a train every moment: as soon as I can get ready I will 
move 3,000 to 4,000 men. 

No. 9. Volume 39, Page 77. 

VANDEVER TO SHERMAN. 

Near Kennesaw. October 4. 1864. 
Elliott is between Big Shanty and Kennesaw on our left. 1 am skir- 
mishing with the enemy now. 

No. 10. Volume 39, Page 77. 

! '. 1 NDE I r ER TO SHERMA N. 

Near Kennesaw, October 4, 1864. 
Gen. Elliott has all his force near the west base of the mountain, Gens. 
Kilpatrick and Garrard are both with him, so couriers report. 

No. 11. Volume 39, Page 78. 

VANDEVER TO COMMANDING OFFICER AT ALLATOONA. 

Kennesaw Mountain, October 4, 1864, 3 p.m. 
Sherman is moving in force. Hold out. 

N<>. 12. Volume 39, Page 78. 

VANDEVER TO COMMANDING OFFICER AT ALLATOONA. 

Near Kennesaw Mountain, October 4, 6:39 p.m. 
Gen. Sherman says hold fast, we are coming. 

No. 13. Volume 39, Page 88. 

SIOSAL OFFICER AT ALLATOONA TO SIGNAL OFFICER AT KENNESAW. 

Allatoona, Octobers, 1864. 
Gen. Corse is here with one brigade. Where is Sherman? 



Inspiring Telegrams. 247 

No. 14. Volume 39, Page 89. 

SHERMAN TO STANLEY. 

Kennesaw Mountain, October 5, 1864, 11:15 a.m. 

No news by signal from Allatoona. Heavy firing, indicating an assault 

and repulse. Occasional shots now. but too smoky to see signals. Can 

see the field about Lost Mountain. No large force of Rebels there. Can 

see Kilpatrick's cavalry massed in a big field this side, but no skirmishing. 

No. 15. Volume 89. Page 89. 

SHERMAN To STANLEY. 

Kennesaw Mountain, October 5, 1864. Received 2:30 p.m. 
Throw forward pickets on the Sandtown road. Take strong position 
and hold it. 

No. 16. Volume 39, Page 90. 

STANLEY TO SHERMAN. 

Pink Top. October 5, 1864. 3: 10 p.m. 
I am on Pine Top. ... I saw our cavalry about two miles in ad- 
vance of Kemp's Mills. 

No. 17. Volume 39, Page 90. 

SHERMAN TO STANLEY. 

In the Field, October 5. 1864. 
I want to control the Sandtown road back to Allatoona.* 
No. is. Volume 39, Page 91. 

SHERMAN ''TO ELLIOTT. 

In the Field. October 5, 1864. 
Dispatch Garrard to-night to Allatoona, making a circuit to the right, 
and to learn if possible the state of affairs there. . . . The day was so 
hazy that we could get but few messages. Corse is there with his division. 

No. 19. Volume 39. Page 92. 

SHERMAX TO ELLIOTT. 

In the Field, October 5, 1864. 
I have heard from Allatoona. All right, Corse is there, but wounded. 
You need not send Garrard's cavalry, but send a squadron. 

No. 20. Volume 39, Page 92. 

SHERMAN TO ELLIOTT. 

In the Field. October 5, 1864. 
I have been up on Kennesaw all day watching the attack. Since it 
ceased I have a signal, O. K. Corse wounded. ... I want to 
establish communication with Allatoona. 

No. 21. Volume 39, Page 96. 

TOURTELLOtTE TO SHERMAN. 

Allatoona, Ga., October 5, 1864. 
Gen. Sherman: Corse is here. 



*This is the road to New Hope Church over which we marched. 



248 Two Wars. 



No. 22. Volume 39. Page 96. 

TO COMMANDING OFFICER, ALLATOONA. 

Kennesaw Mountain, October 5, 1864. 



Near you. 



No. 23. Volume 39, Page 96. 
SIGNAL DISPATCHES FROM AND TO KENNESA II' MOUNTAIN. 
At 8 a.m. I called Allatoona for two hours and a half. I asked for news. 
and at 10:30 a.m. received the following message: "We hold out, Gen. 
Corse here." Adams, Signal Officer. 

At 4 p.m. I again called Allatoona. and at 4: 15 got the following: "We 
still hold out. Gen. Coi*se is wounded." 

No. 24. Volume S9, Page 97. 

Kennesaw Mountain. October 5. 1864. 

Tell Allatoona to hold on. Gen. Sherman says he is working hard for 
you. 

No. 2."). Volume 39. Pake 97. 
GEN. (r. B. RAUM TO GEN. •/. E. SMITH. 

Carteksyille. Ga., Octobers, 1*64. 

We have won a great victory at Allatoona to-day. lam just from then . 
Gen. Corse is slightly wounded in the cheek: Col. Tourtellotte slightly in 
the left thigh. 

No. 26. Volume 39, Pages 111, 112. 

LIEUT. W. H. SHERFY, CHIEF SIGNAL OFFICER, KENNESAW, REPORTS. 

October 4. 1864. 
I called Allatoona and sent the messages received last night. I saw the 
enemy hard at work destroying the railroad on both sides of Big Shanty. 
. . At 5 p.m. the enemy began to move oft* on the Ac worth road, and 
at 6 P.M. our army moved into cum]) at tin 1 foot of Little Kennesaw Moun- 
tain. 

October 5. 
To-day the battle of Allatoona was fought. I could see the smoke of 
guns and shells. Gen. Sherman was with me all day sending and receiv- 
ing messages. 

Having now given you some knowledge of the ground, the 
strength of the fortifications, the numbers engaged on either 
side, the ratio of inequality between troops inside and those out- 
side ordinary works, and the many inspiring hopes sent to the 
garrison to hold out, you can better comprehend 

The Battle. 

The day dawned beautiful and bright, and as the sun rose 
higher and higher in the mellow autumnal sky, and lit up the 



Cockrell Attacks. 249 

forest-clad heights, it turned into a quiet Indian summer day of 
hazy, drowsy appearance inducive of rest. All nature seemed at 
variance with the active preparations being- made for the im- 
pending conflict of arms. 

Gen. Corse had placed in redoubt bW R" the Seventh Illinois, 
the Thirty-Ninth Iowa, and the Ninety-Third Illinois. He had 
some companies in advance of "R," and the remainder in reserve 
in the rear of "R." These three regiments for the defense of 
this redoubt (called rifle pits) numbered nine hundred and four 
officers and men. 

Tourtellotte, in fort "T 11 and the intrenchments, had for the 
defense east of the railroad the Fourth Minnesota, Eighteenth 
Wisconsin, and the Fiftieth and Twelfth Illinois Regiments. 
Soon, however, the Fiftieth and Twelfth Illinois were ordered 
over by Corse to the west side of the railroad. 

I made the following disposition of my division of infantry 
present on the ridge. Sears's Brigade was ordered to the north 
side of the ridge and east of the railroad. Cockrell's Brigade 
and the four regiments of Ector's Brigade were on the ridge 
west of the enemy's works. 

About 9 a.m. the artillery ceased tiring, and, under a flag of 
truce, I sent a summons to the commander of the garrison to 
surrender, supposing the forces were small or to be the same as 
reported to me when I was in Acworth. The summons was 
carried by Maj. D. W. Sanders, Adjutant General. He waited 
about twenty minutes for a reply; receiving none, he returned. 
I had no idea that the garrison had been reenforced by the ar- 
rival of Gen. Corse with one of his brigades. 

It was now near 10 a.m. when, impatient at the delay of Sears 
not getting in position, I ordered Cockrell to make the attack on 
the redoubt "R" w r ith his brigade of nine hundred and fifty 
strong, supported by four regiments of Ector's Texas Brigade 
of about four hundred men. The ridge was so narrow that when 
deployed the wings were in the woods on the steep sides of a 
rocky ridge. As Cockrell neared the line he was subjected to 
the lire of the artillery from the two forts "T" and "C," and 
the musketry from " R," and the troops in the intrenchments on 
the east side of the railroad, near the deep cut, that swept his 
approach on every side. Arriving near the redoubt, the troops 
were stopped by the formidable abatis and other entanglements. 






_ to 






z 


- .'- 






z 


s 3 






< 





The Redoubt Carried. 251 

There for an hour, under this searching- tire, they worked to 
make a way through the abatis. When passages had been made 
they rushed to the assault, and, after a terrible hand-to-hand 
conflict, the redoubt was carried, and the survivors fled to 
fort "C," followed by our men, and in a few minutes every Un- 
ion soldier west of the railroad, including the Fiftieth and 
Twelfth Illinois, sought refuge in fort "C" and the ditch sur- 
rounding it, crowding them beyond measure. 

Thus did 1,350 Confederates carry the redoubt defended by 
904 brave Union veterans, although subjected all this time to the 
tire of forts "T" and "C," and other flanking works. But 
I will let Gen. Corse tell the story himself, as found on pages 
761-766, Volume :;'.». War Records, only I will correct the errors 
in names and figures in some instances: 

I had hardly issued these incipient orders when the storm broke in all 
its fury on the Thirty-Ninth Iowa and Seventh Illinois. Young's [Cock- 
rell'sj Brigade of Texans, 1.1)00 strong, had gained the west end of the 
ridge, and moved with great impetuosity along its crest till they struck 
Rowett's command, where they received a severe check, but, undaunted, 
they came again and again. Rowett. remforcedby the Nim ty- Third Illinois, 
and aided by the gallant Redfield, encouraged me to hope we were all safe 
here, when I observed a brigade of the enemy under command of Gen. 
Sears moving from the north, its left extending across the railroad. I 
rushed to the two companies of the Ninety-Third Illinois, which were on 
the brink of the cut running north from the redoubt [fort "C "] and par- 
allel with the railroad, they having been reenforced by the retreating 
pickets, and urged them to hold on to the spur, but it was of no avail. 
The enemy's line of battle swept us back like so much chaff, and struck 
the Thirty-Ninth Iowa in Hank, threatening to ingulf our little band with- 
out further ado. Fortunately for us. Col. Tourtellotte's fire caught Sears 
in the Hank and broke him so badly as to enable me to get a staff officer 
over the cut with orders to bring the Fiftieth Illinois over to reenforce 
Rowett, who had lost very heavily. However, before the regiment sent 
for could arrive, Sears and Young [Cockrell and Young] both rallied and 
made their assaults in front and on the flank with so much vigor and.in such 
force as to break Rowett's line, and had not the Thirty-Ninth Iowa fought 
with the desperation it did I never would have been able to have brought 
a man back into the redoubt [fort "C"]. As it was, their hand-to-hand 
struggle and stubborn stand broke the enemy to that extent that he must 
stop to re-form before undertaking the assault on the fort, Under cover of 
the blow they gave the enemy the Seventh and Ninety-Third Illinois and 
what remained of the Thirty-Ninth Iowa fell back into the fort. The 
righting up to this time — about 11 a.m. — was of a most extraordinary char- 
acter. Attacked from the north, from the west, and from the south, these 
three regiments, Thirty-Ninth Iowa, Seventh Illinois, and Ninety-Third 



252 Two Wars. 

Illinois infantry, held Young's and a portion of Sears's and Cockrell's 
[should be Cockrell's and Young's] Brigades at bay for nearly two hours 
and a half. [We were delayed about an hour, and that by the entangle- 
ments that prevented us from reaching the parapet: besides, we were un 
der fire from guns everywhere.] The gallant Col. Redfield, of the Thirty- 
Ninth Iowa, fell, shot in four places, and the extraordinary valor of the 
men and officers of this regiment and the Seventh Illinois saved to us Al- 
latoona. 

The capture of the redoubt by Cockreli and Young under the 
tire of six pieces of artillery, two in fort U C " and one in a bat- 
tery in advance of the fort, three in fort "T," and musketry 
lire from every place, besides the 904 men in the redoubt, ends 
the first act of the tragedy. 

It is proper here to give a description of this scene by quot- 
ing from an address made by Col. William Ludlow, Corps of 
Engineers, United States Army, who was with Gen. Corse dur- 
ing the battle, to the Michigan Commandery, Loyal Legion, at 
Detroit, April 2, 1891. In referring to the capture of redoubt 
"R," he said: 

But the appalling center of the tragedy was the pit in which lay the he- 
roes of the Thirty-Ninth Iowa and the Seventh Illinois. Such a sight prob- 
ably was never presented to the eye of heaven. There is no language to 
describe it. With all the glad reaction of feeling after the prolonged strain 
of that mortal day, and the exultant surge of victory that swelled our 
hearts, it was difficult to stand on the verge of that open grave without a 
rush of tears to the eye and a spasm of pity clutching at the throat. The 
trench was crowded with the dead, blue and homespun, "Yank" and 
"Johnny," inextricably mingled in the last ditch. Our heroes, ordered 
to hold the place to the last, with supreme fidelity, had died at their posts. 
As the Rebel line ran over them they struck up with their bayonets as the 
foe struck down, and, rolling together in the embrace of death, we found 
them, in some cases, mutually transfixed. The theme cannot be dwelt 
upon. 

I will now go on with Corse's report, and let him tell his story 
of the battle in his own way. 

So completely disorganized were the enemy that no regular assault 
could be made on the fort until I had the trenches all filled and the par- 
apets lined with men. The Twelfth Illinois and the Fiftieth Illinois, arriv- 
ing from the east hill, enabled us to occupy every foot of trench, and keep 
up a line of fire that as long as our ammunition lasted would render our 
little fort impregnable. The broken forces of the enemy enabled them to 
fill every hollow and take every advantage of the rough ground surround- 
ing the fort, filling every hole and trench, seeking shelter behind every 



h rightful Slaughter. 253 

stump and log that lay within musket range of the fort. We received fire 
from the north, south, and west face of the fort, completely enfilading our 
ditches, aud rendering it almost impracticable for a man to expose his per- 
son above the parapet. An effort was made to carry our works by assault 
[This is an error. We had no scaling ladders, besides the ditch was solid 
full of Corse's men who found shelter there], but the battery, Twelfth 
Wisconsin, was so ably managed and so gallantly fought as to render it 
impossible for a column to live within one hundred yards of the works. Of- 
ficers labored constantly to stimulate the men to exertion, and almost all 
that were killed or wounded in the fort met this fate while trying to get 
the men to expose themselves above the parapet, and nobly setting them 
the example. 

The enemy kept up a constant and intense fire, gradually closing around 
us, and rapidly filling our little fort with the dead and the dying. About 
1 p.m. I was wounded by a rifie ball, which rendered me insensible for 
some thirty or forty minutes, but managed to rally on hearing some per- 
sons cry, "Cease firing," which conveyed to me the impression that they 
were trying to surrender the fort. Again I urged my staff, the few offi- 
cers left unhurt, and the men around me to renewed exertions, assuring 
them that Sherman would soon be here with reinforcements. The gallant 
fellows struggled hard to keep their heads above the ditch and parapet in 
the face of the murderous fire of the enemy now concentrated upon us. 

Here we have the astonishing, official statement that his men 
would not expose themselves enough to lire over the parapet or 
out of the ditch, and that most of the officers lost their lives in 
"nobly setting them the example;"" and this is also established 
by Col. Ludlow in his address, where he says: 

Rowett's order to " a ase firing" had, of course, nothing to do with the 
cry of "surrender." It is true that there were men in the fort ready to 
surrender or to do anything else in order to get out of it alive. Happily 
these were few, and most of them lay prone, close under the parapet, 
playing dead, with the combatants and wounded standing and sitting upon 
them. If I mistake not. Corse himself , at least for a time, was holding down 
one of these living corpses, who preferred to endure all the pain and dis- 
comfort of his position rather than get up and face the deadly music that 
filled the air with leaden notes. ... It was absolutely necessary to 
keep room for the fighting force along the parapet, so the wounded were 
drawn back, and in some cases shot over and over again. The dead were 
disposed of in the same way, except that as the ground became covered 
with them they were let lie as they fell, and were stood or sat upon by the 
fighters. . . . The slaughter had been frightful. 

One of our guns Avas disabled from the jamming of a shot, and we were 
out of ammunition for the other two. ... I recall distinctly the fact 
that a regimental flagstaff on the parapet, which had been several times 
shot away, fell again at a critical moment toward the end of the action. 
There was a mad yell from our friends outside, and a few cries of " sur- 






•V? 







SIGNAL TREE, ALLATOONA, OCT. 5, 1864. 



A Series of Errors. 255 

render " among our own people, but a brave fellow leaped to the summit 
of the parapet, where it did not seem possible to live for a single second, 
grasped the flagstaff, waved it, drove the stump into the parapet, and 
dropped back again unhurt. His action restored confidence; a great Yan- 
kee cheer drowned the tumult, and no cry of "surrender" was afterwards 
heard. 

Here now is presented the testimony of Corse himself, and of 
Col. Ludlow, that the men would not expose themselves, and 
that they cried "cease tiring,' 1 and "surrender." 1 I know, as do 
hundreds of others now living, that the lire of the fort was si- 
lenced, because our men were close up; and if any one inside the 
fort or in the ditch exposed his head, instantly it became the tar- 
get for several Confederates. Confederates moved about with 
impunity, and I called the attention of my staff to Johnson 
( ( Jockrell's flag bearer) riding up to the north side of the fort, 
sitting quietly on his horse, and listening to what was going on 
in the fort. In a recent letter from him he writes to J. M. 
Brown, of Atlanta: "I remember riding up very close to the 
fort. The distance was short, as I was close enough to tell what 
the Federals were doing in there." After 12 m. the Confeder- 
ates merely watched for any person exposing his head above the 
parapet, and so I am sure that the tire described was not so se- 
vere as related by Gen. Corse, but it was very fatal. 

Gen. Corse goes on with his report, and writes that about 2: 30 
p.m. the enemy massed a force (behind a small house) which he 
threw into great confusion, and that " from this time on until 1 
p.m. we had the advantage of the enemy, and maintained it with 
such success that they were driven from every position, and fi- 
nally tied in great confusion, leaving their dead and wounded, 
and our little garrison in possession of the field. 11 

It is hardly possible to crowd into a short paragraph more er- 
rors than are found in the four lines above, and most of them he 
well knew to be false. It is true, no doubt, that he was not 
aware of the information sent me that induced me to withdraw 
my troops. That dispatch was received at 12: 15 p.m. The Car- 
tersville road, running north, passes within a few yards of fort 
u C, 11 and then continues some two hundred and fifty yards on 
through the captured works. It was open to my infantry, but 
was there not life enough in the two forts, "C 11 and "T, 11 to 
shoot down some of the horses and mules passing by within short 



256 Two Wars. 

pistol shot if I attempted to move the artillery, baggage wagons r 
and ambulances and block the road if I decided to move north 
to avoid Sherman's troops marching from the south to the relief 
of Allatoona? 

So I resolved to obtain possession of the Acworth and Dallas 
road before it was occupied in force by the Federals, trusting to 
their slow and cautious movements. To this end, I first ordered 
all the artillery except one battery to start at once to the Alla- 
toona Creek bridge to join the Mississippi regiment left there, 
and hold that position. Next, Sears was directed to withdraw 
immediately from the north side in front of fort "T," and Cock- 
rell to commence at 1: 30 p.m. ; and, owing to the rough hillsides, 
t<> <■<>!,,< out in squads, >>r individually. Although Sears began 
the movement over an hour before Cockrell and Young did, the 
latter were all collected on the ridge first, and sat there under 
the shade of the trees, within sight and easy rifle range of fort 
"C," until about 3 p.m.. waiting for Sears, who had to go around 
the pond made by the Yankees damming up Allatoona Creek. 
During all this time but few shots were tired by the enemy. 
One, however, was fired at us, and it killed a man who had ap- 
propriated a tine pair of cavalry boots from the stores, and he 
fell dead at my feet where we were sitting. In the meantime 1 
went among the wounded men who could not walk over the rocky 
hills to our ambulances, and explained to them why they would 
have to be left, and that surgeons had been detailed to remain 
with them. They gave me thanks without complaint. 

After I showed Gens. Cockrell and Young the dispatches I had 
received, and informed them of my intention not to remain and 
make an assault on fort "C," lest reinforcements for the garri- 
son should arrive before we could leave the place, they demurred, 
and said their men were mad, and wanted to remain and capture 
the place. Col. Gates, of the Missouri Brigade, declared that he 
would capture fort "C" in twenty minutes after the arrival and 
distribution of our ammunition, by way of the sally port. He 
asserted that they were so crowded inside that but few men could 
tire. 

I adhered to my decision to withdraw, because the men had al- 
ready been three days and two nights without rest or sleep, and 
that they could not pass a third night without sleep, and risk 
having to tight reinforcements momentarily expected;- and the 



A Silent Battlefield. 257 

subsequent arrival of troops from Cartersville at 8 p.m. proved 
the correctness of my judgment; also Martin's Brigade reached 
Allatoona next morning. 

About 3 p.m. the last of Sears's men arrived on the ridge near 
the fort where we rested awaiting them, and we then left the 
ridge and moved to the Cartersville road, where the wagons were 
left. Cockrell was now ordered to proceed with the infantry 
force to the Allatoona Creek bridge, and join the Mississippi 
regiment and artillery already there on the Dallas road. I rode 
down to the battery still in position on Moore's Hill to give in- 
structions, and remained there sometime, not a little astonished 
at the scene presented to my view. The declining sun, seen 
through the calm, hazy atmosphere, shone red, like the rising of 
the full-orbed moon, on the fortifications before us. All was si- 
lent now where the battle raged so long, and the mellow light 
gleamed so gently down on the wounded and the dead that I re- 
marked to the officers and men around me: "Silence, like the 
pall of death, rests over Allatoona; it is as lifeless as a grave- 
sard at midnight," I even went up an inclined tree and used 
my glasses in vain to discover a human being. And so Corse's 
statement that we " were driven from every position, and finally 
lied in great confusion." leaps over the bombastic and loses its 
force in ridiculous excess of inaccuracy. 

Corse, in his report, says that he brought with him 165,000 
rounds of ammunition, and Ludlow states that "it was all ex- 
pended except two hundred and fifty rounds." All the artillery 
ammunition Corse had in fort "C" was expended, and he got a 
man to go after some from fort "T," and he returned safely 
with an armful. See his report. 

I will pause here awhile, that you may make a survey of the 
field of battle at 1:30 p.m. 

For over two hours there had been pent up in fort "C," inside 
and in the ditch outside, the Thirty-Ninth Iowa, the Seventh Il- 
linois, the Fiftieth Illinois, the Ninety-Third Illinois, the Twelfth 
Illinois, two companies of the Fifty-Seventh Illinois, and their 
artillery, 1,453 in number, less the killed, badly wounded, and 
prisoners resulting from their defense of the redoubt "R." 

The fort, built for artillery mainly, had but seventy-seven 
yards of parapet, which made it so dangerous for any one to ex- 
pose his head above the parapet that their men would not tire 
17 



258 Two Y/abs. 

voluntarily, "and most of their officers were killed or wounded 
in setting the men an example;" and they passed the word to 
' ' cease tiring. " They cried ' ' surrender. " Some ' ' played dead," 
and the combatants stood on the "living corpses." Others sat 
down on them. Even Corse himself used one for a seat after he 
was wounded (Ludlow). They were out of water. Their am- 
munition was nearly all expended. Their firing had slackened 
to a musket shot at intervals. They let us withdraw without 
molestation, and we sat in the shade of the trees in full view of 
the fort, within musket range, from 1:30 p.m. until 3 p.m. await- 
ing Sears. The}" saw us all leave the ridge at the last named 
hour. At 4 p.m. Corse sent dispatch No. 23: "We still hold 
out." So the} 7 were in the fort then, and did not come out until 
the Confederates were all out of sight. The officers tried to keep 
up the spirits of their men by assuring them that "Sherman will 
soon come' 1 (Corse's report). The hope of speedy relief pre- 
vented utter despondency, and they waited and waited, hoped 
and hoped for the fulfillment of the encouraging promises im- 
plied in the dispatches sent them by Sherman, as: "Hold fast, 
we are coming;" "Sherman moving in force, hold out; " "Sher- 
man working hard for you;" "Near you." With his troops in 
this condition, and in the face of all these facts, Corse officially 
publishes to his commander and to the world, in a vainglorious 
manner, that the Confederates "were driven from every posi- 
tion, and finally fled in great confusion, leaving their dead 
and wounded, and our little garrison in possession of the 
Held!!!" It is a beautiful description of an event that never 
happened. 

It must have been pretty soon after we left Allatoona that 
Cen. Green B. Raum, commanding a division of cavalry that 
was hovering around between the Etowah bridge and the Alla- 
toona, arrived and made a social call on Corse, and sympathized 
with him in his afflictions; but he must have left at an early hour, 
for he went to Cartersville that evening and sent a dispatch, 
which will be found, No. 25, dated October 5. 

Soon Sherman was informed that the Confederates had re- 
treated, and had taken the road to Dallas. So />< checked his 
troopsthat /'•</■< marching on Allatoona. However, Corse's train, 
expected every /">"/' during t/i> battle, returned to Allatoona at 
8 p.m. with the remainder of Rowett's Brigade. Some cavalry 



260 Two Wars. 

also arrived, aud the next morning came Mwtiri's Brigade. 
With him the condition of affairs was very much changed now. 
During this time the weary Confederates, after capturing the 
blockhouse with a garrison of one hundred and ten men at Alla- 
toona Creek bridge, marched on till midnight of the 5th, and 
the next morning were at New Hope Church, far away from 
Allatoona., Corse was now resting in the' bosom of his friends, 
who no doubt congratulated him on his happy deliverance from 
the distress of the day previous: and as there were no Confed- 
erates near to distress him any more, he wrote Sherman, at -1 
p.m. on the 6th, his (so-called) famous dispatch, which for 
cheek is unequaled: 

I am short a cheek bone and an car. but ran whip all h-11 yet:: 

Now the adverb "yet" in this ease implies conditions un- 
changed. But, as they were then entirely changed, he was not 
justified in sending such a dispatch. It is a vainglorious, self- 
laudatory dispatch, no doubt sent to divert attention from the 
real condition in which his command had been placed; or it may 
be that the joy he felt the day after the battle, on being reen- 
foreed and rescued from the •'slaughter pen*' (in which he was 
pent up), by Sherman's movements to save him, caused him to 
write it; if so. it is not excusable. If. however, intoxicated at 
the mess table by the congratulations of friends and the usual 
accompaniments required for his condition, he was inspired to 
send that dispatch (as a postprandial speech is made), to mean 
nothing, then lie may lie forgiven. 

But the unbought grace of life, the trained veracity, the 
chivalrous respect for foemen his equal in valor, whose daring 
he had witnessed, whose prowess he had felt, and from whose 
presence he so longed to be delivered, should have restrained 
him, at a much later date, from writing in his official report the 
fabricated story of how he '"drove the Confederates from every 
position until finally they fled in great confusion," because he 
well knew this statement was not true. 

In connection with Gen. Corse's visit with Joseph M. Brown 
to the battle ground at Allatoona, I have a letter from Mr. 
Brown giving me other information of what was said during 
his visit to Atlanta. As a guest of Senator Brown this conver- 
sation grew frank and friendly. 



Instructing the Artist. 261 

Atlanta. Ga., August 31, 1900. 

Gen. S. G. French, Pensacola, Fla. 

My Dear General: Answering your inquiry as to Mr. De Thulstrup's 
picture of the battle of AHatoona, I will state that in 1886 Gen. John M. 
Corse came to Georgia with the .above well-known battle artist. I went 
with them to AHatoona. where we spent almost a day going over the 
various points of the ridge on both sides of the railroad, where there were 
fortifications. 

Returning to Atlanta, these two gentlemen were my guests at my fa- 
ther's home. That night, after some social conversation, Gen. Corse and 
Mr. De Thulstrup went upstairs to their sleeping apartments. Within 
probably an hour afterwards I also went up to my sleeping room. The 
hall door leading from my room to Gen. Corse's being open. I was unin- 
tentionally made a hearer of conversation going on. Gen. Corse was 
quite animated in giving instructions to the artist as to how to draw the 
picture. I very distinctly heard him use the following expression: "2?e 
sure you have the Rebels running." He repeated this in very positive 
tones. 

Any one looking at the picture will see that the artist faithfully com- 
plied with the General's instructions. 

Very truly yours. Joseph M. Brown. 

When J. M. Brown told Corse that French never received his 
reply to his summons to surrender, he answered: ''This is the 
first information I have to that effect, that my answer never 
reached him.*" Then Corse told him he was in great haste in 
examining the lines and disposing of his troops. ** When one of 
his staff officers hailed me with advice that he had a note from 
the enemy's commander, which he supposed was a summons to 
surrender, . . , . I took the note and read it; it made me 
mad, because, from what I could see of his forces, and what I 
knew of mine, I believed that I had about as big a force as he 
had, hence considered the summons a superfluous piece of bra- 
vado. I sat down on a log, and, pulling my notebook out of 
my pocket, wrote the reply across the face of one of its pages, 
which I tore out and handed to my staff officer with instructions 
to take it to the bearer of the summons. ... I never knew 
whether my answer reached French or not." 

There is something in this statement which must be regarded 
as very remarkable, for in the ordinary affairs of life, if even a 
servant be sent to deliver a letter, and does not find the person 
to whom he was to deliver it, would he throw it away and never 
mention it, or would he return with it and report that he did not 
find the man to whom he was to hand it? And does not common 



262 Two Wars. 

sense tell ns that on such a momentous matter as this, involving 
the lives of hundreds of men, his staff officer would have reported 
that the flag of truce could not be found, and have returned the 
dispatch given him? And, furthermore, can any person of in- 
telligence believe that Gen. Corse and the said staff officer did 
not speak about this pretentious answer to the summons at any 
time, which is published to the world in facsimile, of which Julius 
E. Brown, of Atlanta, has one copy. If he published the "fac- 
simile" of the dispatch sent me, where did he get it? It seems 
to me the General "doth protest too much." And further he 
says: " Being in great pain from my wound, I took the train the 
night of the 5th for Rome.*" If this be true, how could he 
have issued his "famous" dispatch from Allatoona on the aft- 
ernoon of the 6th, for it gives the place, date, and the hour? 

I am inclined to the belief that he did not leave Allatoona 
until after the 6th, or on the second day after the light. 

I would not detract anything from the well-earned reputation 
of Gen. Corse — and more especially so, as he is not living— yet 
it is a duty incumbent on me, a duty I owe to my children, and 
particularly to the noble Confederate soldiers who were with 
me, to protect them against the statement of being "driven 
away" by the garrison. The demands of impartial history re- 
quire of me — an actor therein, a living witness — to transcribe 
from my diary the facts as there recorded at the time, so that 
the world may know to what extent the many reported inci- 
dents of the battle have truth for their foundation as we now 
find them related in nursery tales to children, taught in 
schools, narrated in story, and sung in the gospel hymn of 
"Hold the Fort" wherever the cross is seen and Christianity 
prevails. 

But in the current literature of the North derived from the 
exaggerated bulletins daily sent from the seat of war there is a 
wonderful admixture of truth and error, and I am trying to 
separate them so far as they are found in the ordinary versions 
of this battle, and emphatically to declare that the Confederate 
troops were not repulsed as stated in the light publications of 
the day. or as written in Corse's report. 

If any further testimony be desired, I would refer you to the 
following letter from a publication made by Joseph M. Brown, 
son of the late Senator Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia. 



Exchanging Guns. 263 

Allatoona, Ga., November 10, 1890. 
Mr. Jos-ph M. Brown. 

Dear Sir: In reply to the inquiries contained in your letter of October 
81, I will state that, with my brother, I was in Allatoona on the night of 
October 4, 1864, when the place was surrounded by Confederates under 
Gen. French. 

Early the next morning, for safety, we went into the fort on the west 
side of the railroad, and were there during the battle that day. Gen. 
Corse commanded on the West side of the railroad, and was in the fort all 
the latter part of the fight. The Federals fought desperately, and after 
they lost fort "R"* across the Cartersville road they were very much dis- 
heartened. They could get no water without exposing themselves to a 
deadly fire; and it was very much needed, especially for the wounded. 

During the latter part of the engagement I frequently heard it said they 
were nearly out of ammunition. They were on the point of giving up the 
tight several times. The command "Cease firing" was given by some- 
body and passed around the fort, but then some of the officers rallied the 
men a little. 

If the attack had been kept up a little while longer, the fort would have 
certainly been taken; but to .the surprise of the Federals, their enemy's 
fire slackened and the Confederates retired from the front of the fort. The 
Federals at this time were at a loss to understand this movement, when 
they themselves were nearly ready to surrender. They seemed momen- 
tarily to expect a renewal of the attack from some other quarter. They 
remained quietly in the fort for nearly or quite three-quarters of an hour 
after the Confederates retired. But when they found that the Confederates 
would not -renew the fighting there was a great rally in the fort. Then 
there was some desultory firing at the Confederates on the south of the 
fort near the depot and station. The Federals did not sally out of the 
fort until the Confederates were gone entirely out of sight. 

W. M. Denton. 

As regards the arms captured by Corse, I will simple remark 
they were inferior muskets exchanged on the field for Spring- 
field rifles, and Henry repeating rifles (16 shooters), one of 
which I turned over, by my Aid Yerger, to the United States 
Ordnance officer at the close of the war. Had Corse gone to 
the blockhouse at Allatoona creek, he would have captured there 
eighty-five muskets (thrown away) in the road, in exchange for 
those we captured there, which would have augmented his list 
of arms captured. 

* It is proper that I should here state that my official report (page 816, War Records, Vol. 
39) contains an error. When I saw the Fiftieth and Twelfth Illinois leave the east side of 
the railroad and join the force on the west side, I believed that all were on that side, and 
wrote, "The Federal forces were now confined to one redoubt (fort 'C'), and we occupied the 
ditch." I did not discover this error until after it was too late to correct it. It must be re- 
membered that the battle was fought on a mountain ridge, some of the sides inaccessibly 
steep, and covered with timber obstructing the view. 



264 Two Wars. 

Provisions. 

There were about one million rations of bread at Allatoona, 
and two million seven hundred thousand in Atlanta, and not 
two million seven hundred thousand in Allatoona as stated 
by Col. Ludlow. (Sherman's letter to Corse, page 134, Vol. 39.) 
The rations in Allatoona in no way affected the "march to the 
sea." They were ordered to Rome on the 11th, for use above. 
(See page 207.) 

"1 propose breaking up the railroad from Chattanooga and 
striking out with wagons. . . . Until we can depopulate 
Georgia it is useless to occupy it. . . . The utter destruc- 
tion of the roads, houses, and people cripple their resources. 
... I can make Georgia Inm-l . ... I have eight thousand 
cattle and three million rations of bread." (Page L62, Vol. 39. » 

The destruction of the stores at Allatoona. had it been done, 
would not have interfered with the "march to the sea." 

The stores in Allatoona were in our possession, and they were 
not set on tire by our men because they wanted some them- 
selves, and much was appropriated. But I had no knowledge 
of there being a large depot there until T withdrew Cockrell 
and Young; and while waiting for Sears 1 heard the men speak 
about them. On obtaining this information a party of men 
were sent there to burn them. It is a singular fact that only 
three matches could be found, and Gen. Cockrell had them, and 
when the party reached the stores the matches failed to ignite. 

Gen. Sherman left Atlanta November 15, 1861, and arrived at 
Savannah on the loth of December. He writes that he had sixty- 
five thousand men. To supply these men the twenty-seven days 
they were on the march would require one million seven hun- 
dred and fifty -five thousand rations. They averaged eight miles 
per day — for the distance is about two hundred and twenty miles. 
I have related to you how I made a march ( with a large wagon 
train, through a desolate country, heavily laden) of ninety-six 
miles in fifty-two hours; and this without '" ater. 

This much vaunted "march to the sea" was a pleasure excur- 
sion, through a well-cultivated country, and is a mere bagatelle 
compared with that made by the Mormons from Illinois to 
Utah, or the many expeditions made overland to California dur- 
ing the gold excitement. The distance to California is ten 
times greater than the distance from Atlanta to Savannah. 



Sherman's Boast. 265 

Sherman boastfully writes that he "destroyed two hundred and 
sixty-five miles of railroad, carried off ten thousand mules, and 
countless slaves; th :t he did damage to the amount of $100,000,- 

000. Of this, his army got 120,000, , and the $80,000,000 was 

waste," as they went "looting" through Georgia. 

But not content with this, when "this cruel war was over," 
he presented the delectable spectacle of "how we went thieving 
through Georgia" at the grand review of his army in Washing- 
ton, by mounting his bummers on mules laden with chickens, 
ducks, geese, lambs, pigs, and other farm productions, unblush- 
ingly displayed, to cover up the concealed money, jewelry, and 
plate taken from the helpless women — to delight the President, 
to edify the loyal people, to gratify the hatred of the populace 
to the South, to popularize the thirst for plundering made by 
his troops, to be an object lesson to the present generation, to 
instill a broader view of moral right, to heighten modest sensi- 
bilities, to refine the delicate tastes of young ladies, to humiliate 
a conquered people: or wherefore was this unwise "Punch and 
Judy" show given '. 

During the revolutionary war, when the British fieet ascended 
the Potomac river, one ship sailed up to Mount Vernon— the 
residence of the arch rebel. Washington— and made a requisi- 
tion for provisions which his agent filled. The English com- 
mander must have been a gentleman because he did not burn 
the dwelling, insult the family, nor commit robbery!!! 

Gen. Bradley T. Johnston, in his life of Gen. J. E. Johnston, 
quotes that, "Abubekr in the year 634 gave his chiefs of the 
army of Syria orders as follows: 'Remember that you are al- 
ways in the presence of God, on the verge of death, in the as- 
surance of judgment and the hope of paradise. Avoid injustice 
and oppression. . . . When you fight the battles of the Lord 
acquit yourselves like men, without turning your backs; but let 
not your victory be stained with the blood of women or chil- 
dren. Destroy ho palm tree, nor burn may fields of corn. Cut 
down no fruit treeSj nor do any mischief to cattle, only such as 
you hill to cat. When you make any covenant or article, stand 
to it and be as good as your Avord. As you go on, you will find 
some religious persons who live retired in monasteries, and pur- 
pose themselves to serve God in that way. Let them alone, and 
neither kill them nor destrov their monasteries.'' 



266 Two Wars. 

" Judged by the laws given Moses on Sinai, or the teachings of 
Him who stilled the waves on Galilee, or the Koran, the prin- 
ciples of morality, or feelings of humanity; were not the gates 
of Paradise open to Abubekr? 

''Owing to the barbarities that were practiced by the Eng- 
lish soldiers and sailors, and the refusal to exchange prisoners, 
Capt. John Paul Jones, when in command of the Continental 
ship, Ranger, on April 23, 1778, landed on the Isle of St. Mary, 
Scotland, with a small force and surrounded the house of the 
Earl of Shetland, to carry the earl away, and have him de- 
tained until through his means a general and fair exchange of 
prisoners, in Europe as well as in America, could be effected. 

"The earl was not at home, and Jones permitted his men to 
take silverware from the castle as fair plunder and a just re- 
venge for the acts of British sailors in America, who had not 
only looted the homes of the rich, but had driven off one cow 
and one pig of the laborer. 

"The silver taken was of the real value of £500 pounds, but 
when sold for the benefit of the crew, Jones bought it and re- 
turned it (at his own expense) at a cost of £1,000 pounds, all 
told, to the noble lord.'" (Spear's "History of Our Navy," 
pages 142-11-8, Vol. I. ) 

Was not England fighting the colonies then in rebellion 'I 

It is not I who charge Sherman with destroying cornfields, 
cutting down fruit trees, or "driving off on< cow and ont pig;"* 
he himself boasts of having done it. If he did take the iC one 
cow and the one pig," he kindly left the poor women their tears 
and their memory. 

Shekman. 

The dispatches numbered 1. 2, 3, 5, 6, !». L0, 11, 12, 15, 17, IS, 
19, 20, 23, and 20. which I have given, will show Gen. Sher- 
man's untiring efforts to save Allatoona, and to prevent my di- 
vision from joining Hood. No. 20 shows that on the -1th his 
force went into camp at the foot of Little Kennesaw. Nos. 15 
and 16 show that Stanley, with a part of the army of the Cum- 
berland, was on Pine Mountain at 2:10 p.m. on the 5th. At that 
hour we were sitting under the shade of the trees at Allatoona, 
waiting for Sears's men, and on the ridge by the fortifications. 

My diary, written on the spot, says we left with the wagons 



Tardy Movements. 267 

at 4:30 p.m. Next, we were detained an hour in capturing the 
blockhouse at the creek. If Stanley had moved promptly, he 
could have occupied the Dallas road, moving northwest, at some 
point many hours in advance of me. No. 17 informs Stanley: 
"I want to control the Sandtown road back to Allatoona." That 
is the road I marched over from the blockhouse to New Hope- 
Church on th-e 5th, and morning of the 6th. 

Sherman's cavalry was ordered several times to hold that 
road. They were two miles in advance of Kemp's Mill at 3:10 
p.m. on the 5th (see No. 16), and not four miles from the road. 
We were then at Allatoona. 

In Sherman's "Memoirs," Vol. II. , page 147, you will find these 
words: "From Kennesaw I ordered the Twenty-Third Corps to 
march due west on the Burnt Hickory road, and to burn houses 
or piles of brush as it progressed to indicate the head of column, 
hoping to interpose this corps between Hood's main army at 
Dallas and the detachment then assailing Allatoona." 

The rest of the army was directed straight to Allatoona, 
eighteen miles distant. 

By the map, Allatoona (in a direct line) is thirteen miles 
from Kennesaw, ten miles from Pine Mountain, twelve miles 
from New Hope Church, eight miles from Big Shanty, eleven 
miles from Lost Mountain; and from Pine Mountain, where Gen. 
Stanley was on the 5th with part of the army of the Cumber- 
land, to the road over which 1 passed on the 6th, it is only Jive 
miles. Also the cavalry that was at Kemp's Mill at 3:10 p.m. 
on the 5th was within five miles of the residence of Dr. Smith, 
where I > ncamped on the night of the 5th. 

For these facts, read again the Federal dispatches that I have 
given. It is therefore manifest that only by tardy and cautious 
movements, or no movements, as Sherman ordered, arising from 
Hood's fighting qualities, they failed to place a powerful force 
across our road before I left the bridge across Allatoona creek 
or at any time on the 6th, the day following. 

Sherman at first, or "for a time, attributed this result" (my 
withdrawing my troops) "to the effect of Gen. Cox's march" 
(see page 147, Vol. II., of his "Memoirs"), which, in truth, was 
mainly the cause ; but he generously gave — however erroneous- 
ly — all the credit to his lieutenant, with whom he was well 
pleased for "holding on" and "holding out" through faith in 



268 . Two Wars. 

"his promises to come to his relief, " and then complimented 
him in a general order that Corscmust have felt as being: a lit- 
tle ironical, save only as relates to "holding out" with a faith 
in Sherman which can be found in St. Paul's Epistle to the He- 
brews, where he writes that " faith is the substance of things 
hoped for, the evidence of things not seen/' 

Sherman's signal dispatches to Corse before and during the 
battle to "hold the fort, 11 intended only for their encourage- 
ment, has now become a world-wide inspiration in the form of a 
gospel song written by the evangelist P. P. Bliss. 

Mr. Joseph M. Brown writes that "the circumstances of the 
messages and the battle being narrated to the evangelist, he 
caught from them the idea for the stirring words : 

Ho! my comrades, see the signal 

Waving in the sky! 
Reenforcements now appearing. 

Victory is nigh. 

Chorus. — Hold the fort, for I am coming! 
Jesus signals still; 
Wave the answer back to heaven: 
"By thy grace we will!" 

" He wrote this song on the night that he first heard the story, 
and sung it in the Tabernacle in Chicago next day. It was caught 
up by the voices of thousands, and from that <l:iv to this has 
been a standard gospel lyric." 



HOOD. 

On the afternoon of October 4, 1864, when I was at Big 
Shanty, on the railroad near Kennesaw, Gen. A. P. Stewart, my 
corps commander, handed to me two orders from Gen. Hood. 
The first one is dated October 4, 7:30 a.m., and the second at 
11:30 a.m. These two orders may be found in my official report 
of the battle of Allatoona on a preceding page. 

The purport of these two orders is : that I will take my di- 
vision to Allatoona and fill up the deep cut there (a photograph 
of a part of this cut is here given), and then go on to the Etowah 
river bridge and burn it, if possible ; and thence march to 
New Hope Church by taking roads running south to New Hope 




RAILROAD CUT, ALLATOOVA. FORT "c" ON THE LEFT, FORT 
"T" ON THE RIGHT. 



270 Two Wars. 

Church, and join my corps there ; the destruction of the bridge 
being the more important duty ; and I was expected to join the 
army on the 6th. 

If this cut be critic-ally examined, it will be perceived that the 
order to "till it up" in an hour or so, and then go on to the 
bridge, does not evince a profound knowledge of engineering. 
A little boy builds sand forts and castles on the seashore with 
wooden paddles, and believes he is a Vauban or an Inigo Jones.* 
He knew we had but a few spades, and directed Gen. Stewart to 
borrow for me tools from Gen. Armstrong; and he had none. 

In 1880, sixteen years after he wrote those orders, Gen. Hood 
published a work called '"Advance and Retreat," in which the 
following words are written (page 257 ) : 

"I had received information — and Gen. Shoupe records the 
same in his diary — that the enemy had in store, at Allatoona, 
large supplies which were guarded by two or three regiments. 
As one of the main objects of tht campaign was to deprive the 
enemy of provisions. Maj. Gen. French was ordered to move 
with his division, to capture the garrison, if practicable, and 
gain possession of the supplies. Accordingly on the oth. at 10 
a.m., after a refusal to surrender, he attacked the Federal forces 
at Allatoona, and succeeded in capturing a portion of the works ; 
at that juncture he received intelligence that large reinforce- 
ments were advancing in support of the enemy, and, fearing he 
would be cut off from the main body of the army, he retired and 
abandoned the attempt. Maj. L. Perot, adjutant of Ector's Bri- 
gade, had informed me by letter that our troops were in pos- 
session of these stores during several hours, and could easily 
have destroyed them. If this assertion be correct, I presume 
Maj. Gen. French forbade their destruction, in the conviction 
of his ability to successfully remove them for the use of the Con- 
federate army." 

Now, if any intelligent person will carefully scrutinize the or- 
ders given me, and then ponder over what Hood published, he 
can arrive at no other conclusion than that the account published 
is erroneous. They cannot both be true! 

And further, when I made my official report I copied my or- 
ders that lie gave me, and I stated in my report : " It would ap- 

*Vauban — A French marshal, the greatest of military engineers; born 
L633. Inigo Jones — An eminent architect ; horn in London tr>?-2. 



Hood's Main Object. 271 

pear, however, from these orders, that the general in chief was 
not aware that the pass was fortified and garrisoned that I was 
sent to have filled up." 

This report was, by Gen. Stewart, delivered to Gen. Hood, 
and by him forwarded to the War Department in Richmond ; 
thence it went to the War Department in Washington. And 
although I therein state that Hood had no knowledge of the 
place being garrisoned, or fortified, he forwarded it without 
comment. He could not do otherwise. There were the origi- 
nals copied in his own order book. 

" Gain possession of the supplies ! " under all the environments, 
is only a vague expression of a glittering generality and signi- 
fies nothing particular, and is a mere platitude and nothing 
more. What was I to do with them? Bring them away i re- 
move them without a wagon, when about six hundred were re- 
quired! 

But let us suppose that Hood actually did know that Allatoo- 
na was fortified, garrisoned, and a depot for army rations. If 
so, then he should have imparted to either Gen. Stewart or me 
that information. 

Again : Gen. Hood having declared that the main object of 
the campaign was "to deprive the enemy of provisions." here 
was the desired opportunity ; nay. more— to appropriate them 
to his own use. He wrote the first order to me at 7:30 a.m. on 
the 4th. At that time I was at Big Shanty, Walthall at Moon's, 
and Loring at Acworth, only two hours' (daylight) march from 
Allatoona ! 

New I ask in the name of common sense, Can it be possible 
that, with Gen. Stewart's army corps so near those much need- 
ed army supplies, he should order Gen. Stewart's Corps to remain 
there close by them "till late in the evening," and then march 
him away and order me, the most distant, to go there and "take 
possession of them '." 

Had he known what he says he did, undoubtedly he would 
have ordered, at daylight on the 4th, every available wagon to 
Acworth, and (instead of the utterly impractical one of put- 
ting a mountain in a deep cut) ordered Gen. Stewart with his 
three divisions to Allatoona in all haste. Loring could have 
reached Allatoona by 11 a.m. on the 4-th, and the others soon 
after. The battle would have been fought on the 4th, and be- 



272 Two Wars. 

fore the arrival of Corse at midnight. No! for the want of in- 
formation, this was not to be. 

And so I went all alone into the land occupied by the enemy, 
and Gen. Hood moved farther and farther away, leaving me iso- 
lated beyond all support or assistance. 

Gen. Hood could not have had a good knowledge of the topog- 
raphy of the country, because when my dispatch to Stewart — 
that I would withdraw from Allatoona to avoid being shut up in 
a ad <], sac — was received Hood tells Stewart that he does not 
understand "how Gen. French could be cut off, as he should 
have moved directly away from the railroad to the west." ( Page 
791, War Records, Vol. 39.) I am quite sure Gen. Armstrong, 
when (at 9 a.m.) he sent me his dispatch, also sent a copy of it 
to Gen. Stewart or Hood, because Hood at 1:15 p.m. tells Ann- 
strong he •'must prevent my being surprised, and enable me to 
get out safely." 

I will state here again that it was about noon on the 4th. when 
some citizens, living on the line of the railroad above, remarked 
that we "could not tear up the track to Allatoona. because that 
place was fortified and garrisoned, and that.it was a depot for 
supplies." Therefore it was that (ban Stewart and myself, in 
discussing the order, were convinced that Hood did not know the 
condition of affairs at Allatoona. and at my request he gave me 
some additional artillery: and so there is ample evidence that 
Hood had no knowledge that the enemy occupied the Allatoona 
Pass. 

(Jen. Hood was indeed a brave man. if not a courageous one. 
and he couched his lance at the enemy wherever he met him, 
whether in the guise () f a windmill or the helmet of Mambrino; 
but at last, in after days, he went over to the enemy, for on page 
257 of his volume he writes: "Gen. Corse won my admiration 
by his gallant resistance, and not without reason the Federal 
commander complimented this officer, through a general order, 
for his handsome conduct in the defense of Allatoona ! " 

It is a pertinent question to ask from what source Gen. Hood 
derived his information. If he had read Gen. Corse's report, 
he would have discovered that his men would not expose them- 
selves enough to lire over the parapet, and that they merely 
"held out** for the hourly promised assistance, etc.. as 1 have 
narrated. Is it pleasing to learn from his pen his rapturous 



Col. Clark B. Weaver. 273 

love for the Federals and contempt for the Confederates and his 
standard of admiration? Mine is different; and I am free to 
state that it was the Confederates with whom I was present, who 
by their death, 

"by their painful service. 

The extreme danger, and the drops of blood 

Shed," 

by their gallantry and perseverance won my admiration. And 
this is no reflection on the enemy they met. Hood's want of 
admiration for the soldiers he commanded in 1864 and 1865 is 
the highest meed to their intelligence. 

Perhaps it was natural, in after years, that Gen. Hood should 
select some Federal officer on whom to bestow his admiration, 
and when they passed in review before him Gen. Corse was 
awarded this honor. I trow he must have forgotten Col. Clark 
R. Weaver, U. 8. A. 

Seven days after Allatoona, Gen. Hood with his entire army 
was at Resaca. It was garrisoned by about five hundred men 
commanded by Col. Weaver. Hood summoned Weaver to sur- 
render in unmistakable terms, ending as follows: 

If the place is carried by assault, no prisoners will be taken. 
Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. B. Hood, General. 

To this Col. Weaver replied: 

In my opinion I can hold this post. If you want it. come and take it. 

Clark R. Weaver, Com'rf'g officer. 
(See Sherman's "Memoirs," Vol. II., page 155.) 

Nevertheless, on page 257, "Advance and Retreat,*" Hood 
writes, "Gen. Corse won my admiration by his gallant resist- 
ance,"" etc., and further on — page 326 of his book — he writes, 
"The information I received that the enemy was moving to cut 
me off proved to be false," which is refuted by the arrival of re- 
enforcements, as I have stated, and Sherman's dispatches that I 
have given. 

It is singular that so many laudatory statements should have 
been made by Gen. J. M. Corse and admirers about the battle 
of Allatoona, which were not necessary to sustain his character 
as a soldier. 

I have before me a book of nearly live hundred pages, written 
18 



274 Two Wars. 

by F. Y. Hedley, adjutant of the Thirty-Second Illinois Regi- 
ment, which is entitled "Pen Pictures of Everyday Life in Gen. 
Sherman's Army, from Atlanta to the Close of the War." 1 This 
includes the battle of Allatoona, and as he makes the story to 
be palatable to the tastes of those who enjoy the marvelous, at 
the expense of the Confederate soldiers and myself, I feel obliged 
to expose more of the legerdemain used to deceive the public by 
juggling tricks. 

I will state that on page 219 there is a facsimile of my sum- 
mons to the commanding officer of the garrison to surrender. It 
was sent, as I have stated, because it was then supposed that the 
garrison was small in numbers. It reads: 

Around Allatoona. October 5, 8:15 a.m., 1864. 

Commanding Officer U. S. Forces, Allatoona: 

Sir: I have placed the forces under my command in such positions that 
you are surrounded: and to avoid a needless effusion of blood, I call on 
you to surrender your forces at once, and unconditionally. Five minutes 
will be allowed you to decide. Should you accede to this, you will be 
treated in the most honorable manner as prisoners of war. 
I have the honor to be very respectfully yours, 

s. G. French, 
Major General Commanding Forces 0. S. 

On the same leaf is a facsimile of Gen. Corse's reply to my 

note, and it reads: 

Headquarters Fourth Division. i 

Fifteenth Army Corps, 8:30 a.m., October 5, 1864. \ 

Maj. Gen. G. S. French, C S. A.: 

Your communication demanding surrender of my command I acknowl- 
edge receipt of, and respectfully reply that we are prepared for the "need 
less effusion of blood " whenever it is agreeable to you. 
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant. 

John M. Corse. 
Major General Commanding Forces ('. S. 

Let us investigate this matter. 

The facsimile of my letter is true, no doubt about that; but we 
have also the facsimile of the reply made by Corse which was 
sent me, and by me never received; and in the face of that Corse 
"declared he never knew that I did not receive it. or that it was 
not delivered to Maj. Sanders, the bearer of the Hag of truce," 
until so informed by Joseph M. Brown, whose guest he was when 
he came to Atlanta with the artist De Thulstrup to have the bat- 



After Twenty Years. 275 

tie painted; and he further told him: "I took the note (French's) 
and read it. It made me mad, because from what I could see of 
his forces, and what I knew of mine, I believed that I had about 
as big a force as he ; hence considered the summons a superflu- 
ous piece of bravado. I sat down on a log, and pulling my note- 
book out of my pocket, wrote the reply across the face of one 
of the pages, which I tore out and handed to my staff officer with 
instructions to take it back to the bearer of the summons." 

Not finding Maj. Sanders, of course he returned in a few 
minutes and gave Corse the note. 

Next William Ludlow (now a general in the United States 
army), in his address to the Michigan Commandery, Loyal 
Legion, at Detroit, on April 2, 1891 (page 20), says: "Corse 
did reply; he wrote his answer on the top of a neighboring 
stump. 11 

Then Hedley (page 223) says of Corse: "His every pound of 
flesh and blood was that of a hero: his eye flashed as if lighted 
with a Promethean spark; and his chest swelled with angry de- 
fiance to the hideous threat implied in the summons to surren- 
der! 'Capt. Flint, 1 said he, 'answer this! 1 so Capt. Flint 
seated himself upon a tree stump and wrote the reply. 11 

I care not who wrote the reply to my note; I only desire to 
know who kept it concealed for over twenty years, and then pro- 
duced it, and, together with mine, authoritatively gave them to 
Hedley to photograph and publish side by side. 

If Corse had it hid away, or knew where it was, then he must 
have been mistaken when he declared to Joseph M. Brown that 
he never knew that I had not received it. Besides, that I re- 
ceived no reply was reported officially and well known. 

As regards the "hideous threat implied 11 in my note, it has 
been left to the hero of Allatoona to discover it for the first time, 
although the like and similar expressions have been used by 
many commanders in the years long past, and escaped the crit- 
ical acumen of those to whom they were sent to find an implied 
threat therein. 

No one except Ludlow, so far as I am aware, has ever pub- 
lished that Maj. Sanders was fired on by Corse's soldiers when 
approaching under a flag of truce. I made it known on an in- 
closure in my official report. 

Adjutant Hedley says "the heroic defense of Allatoona is al- 



276 Two Wars. 

most as famous as the 'charge of the Light Brigade,' and far 
more momentous in its results." 

There was nothing momentous pending on it. It was Hood's 
ignorance of the euemy's position that caused the battle; it should 
never have been made. We had nothing to gain; we would 
not remain there, nor had I any means to carry stores away with 
me. It is well known what Hood ordered us to do: "rill up the 
Allatoona cut, and burn the bridge over the Etowah river," and 
join him on the 6th. 

I here repeat that the one million rations of bread in Alla- 
toona were not a factor in Sherman's march to Savannah. He 
refused to repair the railroad we had destroyed, and sent the ra- 
tions north of the Etowah. Subsequently, however, he did put 
the road in condition so as to send the sick and wounded, etc., 
north from Atlanta. The war records show he had in Atlanta 
3,000,000 rations and eight thousand beeves. For 65,000 men 
eighteen days were required 1,170,000 rations. On the march 
the most difficult problem Sherman had to solve was whai t<> do 
with his superabundant rations. 

Let us examine Hedley on this question. He writes, first: 
The regular commissaries and quartermasters foraged for the 
regular commands off the country; but "under the color of the 
Ucenst given by Sherman's orders every regiment in the army 
sent out an independent foraging party, whose duty it was to see 
that its particular command was furnished with all the delicacies 
the country afforded. These men were the most venturesome 
in the army ;" they "took great risks and experienced startling 
adventures. ... If the negroes told the bummers stories of 
cruelty they had suffered, or hostility to the Union, etc., the in- 
jury was avenged by the torch." So on the twaddle of negroes 
these bummers, acting as judges, without appeal, executed their 
own sentences. 

The rehearsal of these scenes afforded amusement in Wash- 
ington, and "Marching through Georgia" is still a favorite 
hymn to the sanctimonious people who delight in cruelty to in- 
nocent women and little children. 

"The bummer was a wily diplomat and learned all that was 
to be known of the neighbor farther down the road whom he ex- 
pected to raid the next day. . . . The bummer drew a line be- 
tween the rich and the poor." 



The Bummer. 277 

Speaking of one hummer, as an example of others, he writes: 
"About midnight his voice was heard arousing the camp; he 
had six animals, horses and mules, strung together with a mot- 
ley improvised harness made of odds and ends. . . , He bestrode 
one of the wheelers, and swayed in the saddle from the effects 
of apple-jack; his wag-on was an immense box of the Tennes- 
see pattern, high at each end. low in the middle, similar to an 
old Dutch galiot, loaded to the guards with the choicest of 
wines and liquors; and by chance there was in the cargo a box of 
glass goblets. . . . Samples of the wines were sent to corps 
headquarters, pronounced excellent, with the intimation that a 
further supply would be acceptable, etc.." and so on the chapter 
reads to the end. 

The bummers generally obliged the negroes to improvise 
teams, and in wagons brought their stealings into camp. "They 
ranged over a section between sixty to eighty miles in breadth." 
(Page 272.) The writer pursues a middle line : he tells us nothing 
about the distress of the thousands of women and children left 
homeless by these cruel wretches, nor does he see any of Avatches, 
plate, and jewelry stolen ; and now here we are, in the last years 
of the century, told by the " Grand Army of the Republic" that 
we must not tell any of these matters to our children in our 
school histories. 

I am now about to close my account of this battle and the 
false statements regarding it. I have written it because of Gen. 
Corse's willfully making an erroneous statement toward the close 
of his report about driving the division away, and because of his 
(so-called) famous dispatch, the gospel hymn, and the shouts of 
victory, congratulatory orders and admiration parties; because 
of Hood's statement about orders given me — all of which have 
thrown a glamour over the conflict, making things seem to be 
what they were not. 

I have endeavored to dispel the illusion, remove the glamour, 
uncover the hidden truth to him who will seek it. 

The "holding on" power of the Federal soldier in this battle 
was remarkable, and his faith commendable. From 11 a.m. to 
near the close of day they were pent up inside and around in the 
ditch of a small fort in such numbers that they lay on one an- 
other, sat on each other, stood on others dead or alive, praying 
for relief. There they stayed till, in the silence of the gloam- 



278 Two Wabs. 

ing, they ventured out and "had the advantage of the enemy and 
maintained it"— without opposition, for the enemy had long 
been gone away! 

In what I have written respecting this battle I have made no 
charge against the Union soldier of the want of courage or the 
desire to surrender. 

It is they who furnish the evidence of their distress, refusal to 
man the parapets, and desire to surrender under the long dela}^ 
and disappointments of the so-often-promised aid. Amidst all 
their environments, let none condemn them without cause. 



The Soldiers' Grave. 

by joseph m. brown. 

[In Allatoona Pass, by the Western and Atlantic railroad, is the grave of 
an unknown soldier who fell in the battle there October 5, 1864.] 

In the railroad cut there's a lonely grave 
Which the trackmen hold sacred to care; 

They have piled round it stones, and for it they save 
Every flower, when their task calls them there. 

Away from the home of his love, 

Away from his sweetheart or wife, 
Away from his mother, whose prayers went above, 

He gave for his country his life. 

We know not if. wearing the blue, he came 
'Neath the "bright, starry banner" arrayed, 

And. dying, that it o'er the mountains of fame 
Might forever in triumph wave prayed; 

Or we know not if, 'neath the "bonnie blue flag," 
He rushed forth, his country's defender, 

Valiant, smote those wdio her cause down would drag, 
And only to death did surrender. 

That God only knows; and so in his hand 

Let the secret unfathomed e'er rest; 
But this we know, that he died for his land. 

And the banner he thought was the best. 

Heav'n pity the dear ones who prayed his return. 
Heav'n bless them, and shield them from woes, 
Heav'n grant o'er his grave to melt anger stern. 
And make brothers of those who were foes! 




JOSEPH M. BROWN. 



"To an Unknown Hero." 281 

The Lone Grave. 

by pail dresser. 

[••The Lone Grave" is situated on the Western and Atlantic- railroad 
between Chattanooga, Tenn., and Atlanta, Ga. A plain board marked 
the resting place of a soldier. Name •'unknown." None could tell 
whether he had been a Federal or Confederate. The section hands, when 
laying the track, discovered the grave, sodded it over beautifully, and 
placed a headstone over it bearing the above inscription. The traveler's 
attention is always called to this spot, and the trains "slow up" in order 
to give all an opportunity to see it. Let this be an olive branch to the 
North and South to be again a united people. — Author. | 

A story I are going- to tell of a grave 

In the South where a brave soldier tell. 
For his cause he now sleeps by the side of a track — 

What his colors none able to tell. 
A plain, simple board, rudely carved, that was all 

That was left to remind one of that* sacred spot. 
The words, as we traced them, were simple enough; 

•A soldier sleeps here : I forget me not." 

Chorus. — The lone grave is there by the side of the track: 
It contains a wanderer who never came back : 
And when he appears on the great judgment day. 
Our Father'll not ask: " Was your suit blue or gray ? " 

There's a mother that sits by a fireside to-night. 

She is thinking of days long gone by : 
And she pictures "a loved one who went to the war. 

But returned not," she says with a sigh. 
If the mother could know that her boy calmly sleeps. 

Undisturbed by the march or the progress of time. 
What feelings would haunt her. what thoughts would she have. 

Sobs, tears, and heartaches, what sadness sublime! 

Joseph M. Brown, who was for many years engaged in col- 
lecting - facts relating to this battle, and which he privately pub- 
lished some years ago, states that the remains of Col. W. II. 
Clark, of Mississippi, rest in this grave. He fell, with the col- 
ors of his regiment in his hands, leading his men in the attack. 
That is an error. 

These now deserved tributes to a brave soldier were made "To 
an Unknown Hero. 1 ' For it is not known whether he was in 
the United States or Confederate service. As the last resting 
place of a man who gave his life for his country, it was regard- 
ed a sacred spot, and it is hoped it will always be reverently 




THE LONE GRAVE. 



Summing Up. 283- 

cared for out of respect to the dead. It is an honored grave. 
Millions of travelers pass by and do it reverence. 
And now, in conclusion, I have shown : 

1. That the remarkable orders I received from Gen. Hood 
were given before he had any knowledge .of there being a gar- 
rison at Allatoona ; and that his later statements may be er- 
roneous. 

2. That I was not aware that the garrison in the fortress had 
been reenforced (two hours before my arrival) by Gen. Corse 
and troops, when I summoned the commander to surrender ; and 
that I never received any reply to my summons. 

3. That when the outer line of the fortress was gained, and 
Gen. Corse with all his troops west of the railroad were driven 
into the "slaughter pen," the battle was lost to him ; his troops 
would not face their assailants ; would have surrendered, only 
their officers implored them to "hold out" longer, as relief was 
momentarily expected to end "the prolonged strain of that mor- 
tal day." 

4. That when I received the dispatch from Gen. Armstrong 
informing me that the advance infantry of Sherman's army from 
Atlanta had passed Gen. Hood at Lost Mountain, and were at Big 
Shanty, I deemed it best to forego the gratification of a complete 
victory for myself and troops, which, if won, must still result 
in further tight (by my exhausted troops) with the reinforce- 
ments hourly expected. And so I would not yield to the impor- 
tunity of both officers and men, who were mad, and wanted, also, 
to "hold on" until they captured the entire works. 1 weighed 
their promises to capture the last work when ammunition was 
obtained with the after probable consequences, and pointed them 
out, and adhered to my decision ; deeming it best for the "Con- 
federate cause" not to lose more men for the mere eclat of a vic- 
tory of doubtful compensating utility. We could not remain an 
hour if the place were taken. 

5. Considering the number of urgent dispatches that Sherman 
sent to his general officers to take possession of the road over 
which I passed (on the 5th and 6th) on my way to New Hope 
Church, it is left for them to account for permitting the Con- 
federates to pass by them without any serious skirmishing, be- 
cause dispatch No. 15, received by Gen. Stanley at 2:30 p.m. on 
the 5th (when I was at Allatoona), gave him seventeen hours to 



284 Two Wars, 

occupy and hold the Sand Town road, as ordered, before I moved 
over it to join Hood at New Hope Church. 

Lastly. Gen Corse's "famous" dispatch, originally, "I can 
lick all h — 1 yet," has not the merit of the excitement or inspira- 
tion of the battlefield. It loses its significance entirely for the 
want of applicability. He had "whipped" no one; his command 
was now doubled in numbers; no enemy was within twenty 
miles of him ; an entire day (lacking an hour) had passed since 
the last shot was tired, when he deliberately and thoughtfully 
prepared that dispatch, perhaps to divert attention from the real, 
actual occurrences of the battle the day previous and tickle the 
public ear. 

The testimony of hundreds of witnesses now living has been 
recorded to substantiate what I have written. For the Union 
soldier in this battle I have tried to 

nothing extenuate, 
Nor set down aught in malice, 

and in after years, I trust, to the noble Confederates who fought 
this battle the impartial historian will 

Give them the honors they won in the strife, 
dive them the laurels they lost with their life. 



Chickamauga, <;.\.. April 12, 1897. 

i>en. S. G. French, Pensacoln, Fla. 

My Dear General: The manuscript history of the battle of Allatoona 
which you recently sent me has been read over twice, very carefully. It 
was exceedingly interesting tome, and must be correct in every particular. 
Those facts and circumstances which fell within my personal knowledge 
arc stated correctly, according to my recollections ; and your unswerving 
fidelity to the truth and careful attention to details are well remembered. 
Moreover, the account given of the conduel of your troops is just what 
every one who knew them, as I did, would expect of ( lockrell's Missouri- 
ans, of Young's (Ector's) Texans, of Sears's Mississippians, and of Cole- 
man's North Carolinians. Do you not owe it to these men as well as to your- 
self and the truth of history to publish this account of that battle? I hope 
you will do so, and would suggest, in the event you do, that the route taken 
by Seal's to reach the north side and rear of the Federal position, and the 
positions of your three brigades, be indicated on the topographical map 
(page 339). Very sincerely yours. 

Alex P. Stewart. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Return from Allatoona — Hood's Deportment — Cross the Coosa River — 
Devastation around Rome — Rome Burned — Garrison of Resaea Refuses 
to Surrender— Capture of the Seventeenth Iowa Regiment at Tilton — 
Dalton Taken— Dug Gap— Dinner of Roasting Ears— Supper— Captured 
Officers are Jolly Good Fellows — Gadsden — Encampment at Mrs. San- 
som's — Her Daughter a Guide for Gen. Forrest when He Captured Gen. 
Streight— Cross the Black Warrior River and Sand Mountains — Deca- 
tur— Some Fighting at Decatur— Gen. Beauregard with Hood— Beauti- 
ful Valley of the Tennessee made Desolate by War- -Tuscumbia— Dreary 
March to Columbia, Rain and Snow— Stewart's and Cheatham's Corps 
Cross Duck River en Route to Spring Hill— Hood Slept — Schofield 
Passed By— Pursue Schofield to Franklin— Battle of Franklin Inci- 
dents— Remarkable Order for a Second Assault at Night— Losses in My 
Twp Brigades — Exchange of Prisoners Stopped. 

THE battle of Allatoona having been fought as I have de- 
scribed it, the blockhouse at Allatoona creek with a garri- 
son of 110 men captured, we marched on toward New Hope 
Church, and near midnight encamped at the residence of Dr. 
Smith, in the midst of an awful rainstorm, and within three 
miles of Federal forces. 

October 6, 1864. The rain is still falling in torrents, and it continued 
until we reached New Hope Church and joined the other two divisions. 
When I called at headquarters. Hood reminded me of a disheartened 
man. His countenance was sad aud his voice doleful. He received me 
with a melancholy air, and asked no questions; did not refer to the battle, 
"told me where my corps was, and said he would leave next day." He 
seemed much depressed in spirits. Perhaps he experienced a feeling of 
remorse that his want of information had induced him to send me to burn 
the Etowah bridge, stopping an hour or two en route at the Allatoona cut, 
'•till it up and obtain information." Encamped on Pumpkinvine creek. 

7th. Marched early this morning to Van Wirt, by a road leading along 
a high ridge. Was invited to the house of Dr. Pearce for the night. 

8rh. Started at dawn and marched to Cedartown, and encamped near 
there. 

9th. Remained in camp till 12 M. Left the sick and lame-footed men 
with the baggage wagons to move on to J. and took up the line of march 
from . . . toward Rome. Struck the road over which we marched May 
17, last. Encamped at Cunningham's, on the road from Cave Springs to 
Rome. Gen. Beauregard arrived at Cave Springs: he was heartily cheered 
by Cheatham's Corps. 



286 Two Wars. 

10th. Moved by a wood road to near a ferry over the Coosa river. 
Arrived there at noon, but could not cross on the pontoon until the corps 
of Hardee had passed over. When my division was across we marched 
about three miles to Robinson's, at the gorge of the Texas Valley road. 
All over the country within a radius of ten or twelve miles of Rome the 
citizens have been robbed by the enemy of everything. Bureaus broken, 
women's clothing torn to pieces, children left in rags, mirrors broken, 
books torn, feather beds emptied in the road, stock driven off; and no ef- 
fort left untried to distress the families. 

On the 8th of this month Gen. John M. Corse, from Carters ville, 
near here, wrote Gen. Sherman that he could not now burn or abandon 
Rome because there were one thousand four hundred sick there. (War 
Records, page 150, Vol. 39, Part III.) I mention this to show that it was 
saved for a while but afterwards destroyed. 

11th. This morning we crossed into Texas Valley, and marched to 
Amuch post office, where we encamped. 

12th. Started this morning at 4 a.m., and after a tedious march all 
day struck the railroad one mile above Resaca. Gen. S. D. Lee took a po- 
sition in front of the works at Resaca. It was garrisoned by five hundred 
men. Hood summoned the garrison to surrender. It refused to do so. 
Here Hood showed his good sense not to make the attack even with 
twenty thousand men. We did not want the place nor the garrison, and 
had no men to spare or lose in a useless fight. Allatoona was a warning 
to him. Stewai't's Corps moved up the railroad about three and a half 
miles, and captured a blockhouse and a construction camp, and burned 
an immense amount of lumber. There was one company captured in the 
blockhouse, which, however, was a temporary structure of hewn timber. 
Worked all night destroying railroad. 

13th. Moved my division up the railroad, and surrounded a very large 
and strong blockhouse at Tilton. It was garrisoned by the Seventeenth 
Iowa Regiment, commanded by Col. Archer. He refused to surrender. 
As it was, from its oaken walls, impregnable to field artillery, it resisted 
a long time. Gen. Stewart, hearing the firing, came on the field and also 
called on the commander to surrender. Again he declined. I had placed 
a field battery in position, and directing shells to be fired at the narrow 
loopholes, we succeeded in driving shells through them, which, exploding 
inside, filled the structure with a dense, suffocating smoke, and soon the 
white flag was waved. Seventy shells were tired. The garrison consisted 
of three hundred and fifty men. Col. Archer, not being well, was pa- 
roled. The plundering of the stores, especially the sutler's, was the work 
of a few minutes, and our hungry men obtained some articles not found in 
the Confederate commissaiy department. The sutler came to me with his 
books and begged me to keep them for him. as he had no other evidence 
of what was due him from the regiment. I introduced him to my quar- 
termaster, and asked him to keep them for the sutler. To add to the 
quick confusion, Loring's division was passing by at the time and tried to 
obtain some of the sutler's stores. Burned everything but the transpor- 
tation, arms, stores, etc., and then moved on to Dalton. I had now four 



Miss Emma Sansom. 287 

hundred and fifty prisoners. Dalton was captured by Cheatham. It was 
garrisoned by negro troops. 

14th. My division became the rear guard. We crossed the mountain 
at Dug Gap and encamped near Villanow. When I crossed the mountain 
ridge I found a large field of corn by the roadside. The roasting ears 
were fine. I halted the division; called the brigade commanders, and 
gave them half an hour to get dinner out of the cornfield. Wonderfully 
quick were the fires made, and the corn roasted and fried. The prison- 
ers and men dined indiscriminately. The Yankees made themselves use- 
ful, and knew how to rob a cornfield. Encamped in an orchard, and had 
some cows driven up and shot for supper and breakfast in the morning. 

15th. Cheatham in advance. Loring, Walthall, and I were in the rear. 
During the march most of the field and staff officers of the Seventeenth 
Iowa walked along with me. They were jolly, good fellows, and laughed 
heartily at their dinner of green corn, and warm cow beef for supper and 
breakfast, and one of them presented me with a silk sash. He insisted on 
my accepting it. He told me "that much stress was placed on starving us 
out, but from the experience they had in the past two days they did not 
think we could be starved out at all, and that they would write home and 
tell their friends that the starvation game was played out." They made 
no complaint, for they messed with our men. 

16th. Left Treadway's Gap this morning. Gen. Sears's Brigade and 
Kolb's battery remained to defend the Gap. I moved on through Sum- 
merville and encamped at Rhinehart's. Ordered to move to Lafayette at 
2 a.m. Pigeon Mountain looms up in sight, and the scenery is beautiful. 

17th. Started to Lafayette, as ordered, but returned and went to the 
junction of the road from Lafayette and Rome with the Alpine road. 
Hei*e Sears's Brigade joined the division. Encamped at Mr. Mosteller s. 

18th. Took the road at 5:30 p.m., passing through Gaylesville, and en- 
camped four miles beyond the town. There are some good farms on the 
Chattooga river, which is here about twenty-five yards wide, with rocky 
bottom. 

19th. Started at 6 a.m., intending to go to Blue Pond, but left the road 
and marched across to the Rome and Gadsden road, thence to Gadsden. 
Crossed Little River. Encamped near the Jacksonville and Gadsden 
roads. Cheatham's Corps near by. I hear various rumors in regard to 
Sherman's movements. The main question is, has he transportation with 
him to enable his command to move far away from the railroad? I am 
sure he will find all he wants in the country as he proceeds. I think we 
do not leave much in the way of rations behind us. Received letters from 
home to-night. 

20th. Marched about two miles beyond Gadsden and encamped at 
Mrs. Sansom's, Her daughter, Miss Emma, was at home. When Federal 
Gen. Streight with two thousand men from Rome was captured by Gen. 
Forrest, he was under many obligations to Miss Sansom, who during the 
fight mounted Forrest's horse, sat behind him, and piloted him across 
Black Creek, which contributed much to enable him to capture the enemy. 
Out of compliment to Miss Sansom, I'got Gen. Cockrell's band to play for 



288 Two Wars. 

her and her mother. While we were honoring Miss Sansom, a hungry 

soldier was skinning one of the Madam's hogs, and, apropos, I had the 
skin secured to thesoldier's back, and thus he was marched a! tout camp, 
a warning to others not to plunder. \There is a waterfall on Black Creek. 
near here, reported to be one hundred feet high. 

The Legislature of Alabama has granted to Miss Sansom a sec- 
tion of land. If she had betrayed Forrest, she might perhaps 
now be in receipt of a pension from the United States treasury, 
because the pension roll is a Roll of Honor, and so comprehen- 
sive that it embraces deserters from our army who enlisted in 
theirs. I have not inquired if substitutes receive pensions, 
but it is fair to presume they do. Were they not patriots? 
What is a patriot? What is patriotism? Dr. Sam Johnson, 
the great lexicographer, declared it to be "the last refuge of a 
consummate scoundrel." 

21st. Remained in camp. Next day marched nineteen miles. Crossed 
the Black Warrior river, and crossed over Sand Mountain. On the 25th 
we passed the dividing ridge between the waters of the Tennessee and 
Coosa rivers. Heard artillery tiring all the morning, apparently at Deca- 
tur. This sounds natural, as I have heard big guns almost daily tor three 
years. It must have been inspiriting, tor we marched twenty miles to- 
day. I am to-night within seven miles of Summerville, and six miles in 
advance of Walthall. 

25th. I hail to wait until noon for Walthall to pass on in advance, con- 
sequently I marched only four miles. Kain is falling fast. It rained all 
day on the 26th. In the afternoon reached Decatur. Boring's division 
took position near the defensive works and commenced tiring with his 
batteries on a fort in front, Went into bivouac in columns of brigades 
within easy cannon range of the guns of the enemy. At dusk sent Ector's 
Brigade to the Danville road to guard it until Cheatham's Corps arrived 
by that road. And still it rains. 

27th. Here we all are in front of Decatur. Will Hood attack the de- 
fensive works of the town? I can see nothing to be gained by it to com- 
pensate for the loss of men. We do not want the position. This afternoon 
I received orders to move over west of the Danville road. Reached the 
position at sunset. Relieved Gen. Guist, and went into line not far in 
front of Mr. (birth's residence. Rode down to the skirmish line: found 
Gen. Brown there. 1 relieved his men on the line with three of my regi- 
ments, and drove in the Federal skirmishers. There was tiring all round, 
but most on boring's line. I believe some negro troops made an attack 
on him. Gen. Beauregard is at the residence of Mr. Garth. 

28th. Remained in cam]). Cheatham's pickets formed a line in front 
of my division pickets and Gen. Brown's also during the night. Had to 
send Cockrell's Brigade to report to Gen. boring, who generally magnifies 



Dec a tui: no t A tt acred. 289 

tli!' forces of the enemy. Received orders to move my command to Court- 
land in the morning. The nights are cold and the frosts very heavy. 

29th. Started this morning by the railroad, but not in the ears. The 
line of the railroad crosses from the right to the left Wank of the Tennessee 
river at Decatur, and I am inarching down the left bank. The country is 
beautiful, and the soil rich: but what a desolation everywhere! The 
dreamy silence, the absence of life, the smoky atmosphere, the abandoned 
dwellings, the uncultivated fields, the destruction of fences — everything, 
everywhere mark the ravages of war that has changed this once beautiful 
valley of the Tennessee into a desert in all save the rich soil. Here the 
tide of war has ebbed and flowed; and far and wide have the raiding parties 
roamed until almost every means of subsistence has been consumed or 
destroyed. The only signs of life are here and there a rabbit startled 
from ambush, and now and then a solitary crow perched on a dead limb 
of a tree. Made my camp on a farm belonging to Mr. Swoope, but now 
occupied by Mr. Watkins. Cheatham's Corps and some cavalry were 
left at Decatur. 

The Federal forces in Decatur weie commanded by Gen. R. 
S. Granger, an old friend of mine, and he was brevetted f or his 
gallant defense of the town. Dear me! I did not think there 
was a skirmish there, and no effort was made to take the place, 
although the forces were, in strength, less than those at Alla- 
toona. Gen. Granger told me, when I met him after the war. 
what his numbers were. 

30th. Left Courtland this morning, moving along the track of the rail- 
road toward Tuscumbia. Stopped at Col. Saunders's for dinner. They 
have a beautiful ami costly residence. There were present for dinner 
Mrs. and Miss Saunders. Miss Sherod. Gen. Cheatham. ( 'ol. Shotwell, Col. 
Brown. Mr. Foster, and others. Encamped at Leighton, near the house 
of Dr. Kompy. Took tea with the family. 

31st. Arrived at Tuscumbia. Encamped on the creek. Stopped at 
Mrs. Chadwick's. Gen. S. D. Lee had crossed the two divisions of his 
corps over the Tennessee river. I was surprised at this because of the 
width of the river, and the apprehension of the pontoons giving way or 
being broken. The day is bright and beautiful. Rode up to see the spring. 
The volume of water gushing out of rocks, from far below, is sufficient to 
form a large creek. The town is old, and now dilapidated. Most of the 
dwellings from Leighton to this place have been burned by the enemy. 

The houses of absentees were always destroyed in that way, 
it being a crime to leave home. 

November 1. Busy arranging transportation. I am told that the pon- 
toons do not reach to the other shore. From to-day to the 13th we re- 
mained in Tuscumbia because of the heavy rains that delayed the arrival 
19 



290 Two Wars. . 

of supplies. During this period the Yankees made two attempts to cul 
the ropes of the pontoons; once they went down tin- wrong channel; next 
day they cut the rope, but their boat upset and they were captured. Ru- 
mor reports thai Sherman, with a large force, is between Chattanooga 
and Atlanta. I remained at or near Tuscumbia until the 20th, when 1 
prepared to cross the river. For three weeks it has rained almost con- 
tinuously, making the roads very bad. I remonstrated with Gen Hood, 
at a meeting of his officers, against taking so many pieces of artillery with 
the army unless we had a, full supply of horses for the "guns. But lie in- 
sisted that, once in Tennessee, men would join us. horses could lie ob- 
tained, and the men he supplied with shoes and clothing. 

20th. I passed over the Tennessee river by thepontoon bridge en rmili 
to Nashville. To-day we learned that Sherman's advance had reached 
Griffin on the 10th. Here are two armies that have been fighting each 
other from about the first of May to the first of November, six months— 
parted — the one heading for the Atlantic ocean, two hundred and ten 
miles .from Atlanta, and the other marching from Tuscumbia, Ala., for 
Nashville, Tenn., one hundred and fifteen miles distant. The one is a 
strategic move against the army of R. E. Lee, in Virginia, and the other 
appears a military error, because it must meet accumulative forces as it 
advances into the enemy's zone. Winter is near and the army not 
clothed. 

21st. Having crossed the river yesterday, and moved out on the Law- 
renceburg road five miles, we started this morning through mud from 
four to twenty inches deep, and through snow that the keen wind 
blew in our faces. In the afternoon we encamped by the roadside, near 
a deserted habitation. The weather is bitterly cold, and the snow falling. 
Sleeping on the ground covered with snow. 

22d. Resumed the march. Roads miserable. Encamped seven miles 
beyond Priwit's Mills. Lee's ( lorps is on our left and < heatham's on the 
right. Stewart's is the central column. Snowed some to-day. and the 
ground was frozen so hard that it bore the wagons. Artillery delayed 
everything, and some of it did not reach camp until daylight, just as I 
told Gen. Hood it would lie: in fact, men had to haul their trims over had 
places. In the conference, I told Hood he would take the t;'ims to Nash- 
ville only to turn sonic of them over to die enemy for want of horses 
This is my birthday. What a delightful time I have had: 

23d. This morning I was ordered to remain in camp and await the 
arrival of the supply train. Artillery went <>n under charge of Col. Wil- 
liams. Bushwhackers reported <>n the road. Continued the march to 
Mt. Pleasant. Remained all night with .Mr. Granbury. The roads 
still in very bad condition. Started on the morrow amidst the rain and 
mud. Passed through a beautiful country. Passed the home of Gen. G. 
J. Pillow. Reached Columbia. Encircled the town with troops, and 
some skirmishing ensued. The enemy left the place last night, and early 
this morning we entered the town. Gen. Schofield with his army is now 
on the north side of Duck river, offering a strong resistance to our crossing 
1 was 'united to the house of Mr. Mathews. In the afternoon I moved 



A Sleeping General. 291 

my i li vision up the river to cross it: but as the bridge was not ready. I 
turned back. 

29th. This morning Cheatham's Corps, Johnston's Division, and Stew- 
art's Corps, and one battery of artillery (the cavalry in advance) moved 
up the river to near Hewey's ferry and crossed it on a pontoon bridge: 
Gen. S. D. Lee, with the remainder of the army, remained in Columbia, 
making a strong demonstration to hold the enemy there. 

This was a strategic movement of Hood's to gain the Frank- 
lin pike in rear of the enemy. We marched rapidly for Spring- 
Hill by a country road. Hearing the cannonading all the time 
a1 ( lolumbia, we were encouraged and hopeful of reaching Spring 
Hill before the enemy did. Schofield, no doubt, was informed 
that we Merc crossing, and. having a shorter and better road to 
travel, got Gen. Stanley with a division and much artillery at 
Spring Hill and in position before Hood arrived there at the 
head of Cheatham's ( !orps. Perhaps, apprehensive that the en- 
emy might move on the Murfreesboro road, he halted Stewart's 
Corps and Johnston's Division at Rutherford creek, some four 
miles from the pike. Our corps was kept here until dark, 
when it was ordered to move on toward the pike. 

When Hood arrived in view of the pike and saw the road filled 
with United States wagons in hasty retreat to Franklin, what 
orders he gave Cheatham I know not. for his version differs 
from what Hood says were given him. But Hood was on the 
ground present, and that settles the question. The sun went 
down, darkness came, and later we went into bivouac. The head 
of our army reached the pike about 3 p.m. and we were halted. 
As but little musketry was heard, officers naturally asked: 
w ' What did we come here for '. " There was a house near by my 
headquarters, and about 9 p.m. I walked over to it. In the 
drawing room I found Gen. dames R. Chalmers and other cav- 
alry officers. Chalmers said they were short or out of ammu- 
nition. On inquiry as to the cartridges they used. Maj. Storrs, 
my ordnance officer, said he could supply them with ammunition, 
and I ordered him to issue them cartridges at once. Occasion- 
ally we heard some picket firing toward the north. It was Gen. 
Ross's men on the road to Franklin. Cheatham's Corps went into 
bivouac near the pike, and so in comparative silence the long 
night wore away. Hood slept. The head and the eyes and 
ears of the army, all dead from sleeping. Ye gods! will no 
geese give them warning as thev did in ancient Rome? 



292 Two Waus. 

30th. We were up before the morningstar. My division was ordered 
to take the advance to Franklin in pursuit of Schofield, for now every 
one knew he passed byuswhile we were dreaming. Artillery and wagons, 
infantry and horse, all gone on to Franklin! When I reached the pike I 
met Gen. Hood, and lie exclaimed. "Well, Gen. French, we have missed 
the great opportunity of the war!" ■•Yes." I replied, ■• 1 am told the Yan- 
kees passed along all eight and lit their pipes at our camp tires." Of 
course my answer was a little figurative, but some soldiers heard it. and. 
taking it literally, it soon spread through the ranks. 

The idea of a commanding general reaching his objective 
point, that required prompt and immediate action and skillful 
tactics, to turn away and 2 - <> to bed surpasses the understanding. 
The truth is. Hood had been outgeneraled, and Stanley with the 
Federal troops got to Spring Hill before Hood did. What in- 
formation Hood received of the enemy, when he reached the 
pike, if any, no one will ever know. Why did he not in per- 
son form his line of battle and attack the enemy at Spring Hill? 
Although we yielded the right of way. the enemy must have 
been a little nervous, because the slight firing done by Ross's 
men caused the enemy to abandon about thirty wagons, and I 
could not but observe what a number of desks containing offi- 
cial vouchers had been thrown from the wagons by the roadside. 
Had there been a cavalry force with artillery north of Spring 
Hill and near the pike to have shelled the road, there would no 
doubt have been a stampede and a wreck of wagons. 

My division overtook the enemy near Franklin, drawn up on 
a range of hills about two miles from the town, and when I be- 
gan to deploy my troops, to advance a line on their Hank and 
rear, they fell back to the town. 

I rode with some members of my staff to the top of a high 
wooded hill, from which I could look down on the surrounding 
country. Before me were the town, the green plains around it; 
the line of defensive works, the forts and parks of artillery on 
the heights across the river, long lines of blue-clad infantry 
strengthening their lines, and trains moving over the river. 
While I sat at the root of a giant tree a longtime surveying the 
scene before me. I called to mind that m ver yet had any one seen 
the Confederate assigned to me driven from tiny position. 
much less from defensive works, by .assault, and I inferred that 
it would require a great sacrifice of life to drive the veteran Fed- 
erals from their lines, and thought if Hood could only ride up 




BATTLE OF FRANKLIN. 



294 Two Wars. 

here and look calmly down on the battle array before him he 
would not try to take the town by assault. But the offspring of 
Hood's conception at Columbia came stillborn at Spring Hill, 
caused by an oversleep. Chagrin- at this mishap and awakened 
at the consequences, without duly considering the whole field of 
war and deducing therefrom what was best for the caust . he im- 
patiently formed line with the two corps with him and prepared 
to assault the town. Perhaps he forgot to call to mind the well- 
acknowledged fact that "m man behind an intrenched line is 
equal to Jwt in front. Now Schofield had at Franklin, by re- 
port in the War Records, 25,420 men, exclusive of cavalry; 
and Hood had 21,874 men, exclusive of a part of Lee's Corps, 
the cavalry and Ector's Brigade detached. So anyonecan com- 
pute what Hood's strength, or numbers, should be to make a fair 
tight. Therefore, it is probable that Hood, by disappointment 
at Spring Hill, inconsiderately, and without careful reconnois- 
sance, determined immediately to attack the fortified city with 
iM,sT4 men, without any artillery, except two guns brought with 
him. 

The sketch of thetield of Franklin will show that the Harpeth 
river in its meandering covers three of the four sides of the town. 
The line of intrenchments extendedfrom the Nashville and Deca- 
tur railroad around the southern and western parts of the town 
to the Harpeth river, with an advanced line extending to some 
distance on either side of the Columbia pike. Also I saw rifle 
pits inside the works fromwhicha fire was opened on our troops 
after they scaled the main line. 

The Battle. 

My division, as I have told you. was the van of the army, and 
as we neared Franklin it left the pike, turning to the right or 
east, and halted near the river. Here (Jen. Stewart formed his 
corps in order of battle by placing Loring on the right, Wal- 
thall in the center, and French on the left. This brought me 
nearest to the Columbia pike, as will be shown. Cheatham's 
Corps was formed Avith his right resting on or near the pike, 
which brought Cleburne's right a half mile distant on my left. 
We were thus formed, as it were, in a circle like the fellies of 
a wheel; and each division marching to one common center 
caused them to overlap before reaching the enemy, because 



The Charge at Fra.xklix. 295 

the circle became smaller and smaller. My division consisted 
of only two brigades, Cockrell's and Sears's. Ector's Brigade 
was on detached duty. Stewart's Corps, being in advance, was 
first formed, and we rested. The sun was sinking- in the west, 
the day was drawing to its close, the tumult and excitement had 
ceased. The winds were in their caves, the silence that precedes 
the storm was felt; the calm before the earthquake which by 
some law of nature forewarns fowls to seek the fields, birds to 
fly away, and cattle to run to the hills, although withheld from 
man, seemed to presage an impending calamity, as painful in sus- 
pense as the disclosure of any reality. From this feeling of 
anxiety, sometimes incident to men when held in readiness to 
engage in a great battle, there came relief by a signal. And 
what a change! Twenty thousand gallant Confederates at the 
word of command moved proudly over the open plain to the at- 
tack. It was a glorious and imposing sight, and one so seldom 
witnessed, as all were in full view. Soon my division came un- 
der the artillery tire of both the guns in front and those in po- 
sition in the forts across the river, undaunted by the crash of 
shells, all moved gallantly on and met the tire of the enemy in 
the outer line of defense. It was only the work of a few min- 
utes to crush the outer line, and when it broke and tried to gain 
the main works they were so closely followed by our men that 
friends and foe, pursuer and pursued, in one mass, rushed over 
the parapet into the town. During this time the tire from the 
enemy on this part of the line ceased so as to admit their own 
troops. But the Confederates now inside were confronted with 
a reserve force and either killed or captured. 

As our division overlapped, immediately another line made the 
assault, and again the smoke cloud of battle so obscured the 
plain that I could see only beneath the cloud an incessant sheet 
of name rolling on the ground, in which the combatants flitted 
about like the pictures of demons in Tophet. The shock was 
too violent to last. Its force was soon spent. The tire slackened, 
and as the smoke was wafted away in broken clouds, the sight 
was appalling! What a ghastly scene was in front of the gin- 
house! The dead and wounded were visible for a moment, only 
to be again enveloped in the cloud of battle beneath which the 
Angel of Death garnered his harvest. "On! on! forward! for- 
ward!" was the cry. It was death to stop, and safety was in a 



296 Two Wars. 

measure found in the ditch beneath the tire from the parapet. 
There thousands remained all night; others were repulsed and 
driven back. My division was re-formed beyond the range of 
musketry, hut exposed to artillery in front and from the fort 
across the river. 

Gen. Sears'smen, those that were repulsed, fell hack with sonic 
order, but Cockrell's Brigade had nearly all disappeared. Now 
and then a few came out. Cockrell was wounded. Col. E. 
(iates came out riding with his bridle reins in his mouth, being 
wounded in both hands. I was on foot. My horse, during the 
continued shelling at Kennesaw Mountain, took a dislike to 
shells, and manifested it on this occasion by using only his hind 
feet when walking. 1 had to give him to the orderly to lead. 

Gen. Walthall came out at the time we did. lie rode up to 
me and as I put my hand on his horse's shoulder to talk with 
him, the animal reared up, plunged violently forward, and fell 
dead, throwing the General far over his head. The horse had 
been shot and that was the death struggle. We fell hack, and 
bivouacked just out of range of fire. It was now growing dark: 
hut still the battle raged furiously at intervals till near mid- 
night, especially on the west side of the pike, mainly between 
our troops in the ditch, and on the captured parapet, with the 
enemy on inside lines; and the bright glare of musketry with the 
Hashes of artillery lit up the surroundings with seemingly fitful 
volcanic fires, presenting a night scene frightfully wildand weird. 

Gen. S. I). Lee's Corps and the artillery had arrived, and after 
dark orders were given by Gen. Hood that after midnight or 
near dawn one hundred rounds would he tired by every pieceof 
artillery, and then the troops would <iss,nilt //,, works <<<j<tin over 
the same ground. Festus assigned a reason for St. Paul's mad- 
ness, but no one attributed Hood's madness to that cause when 
this order was given.* However, when no reply was made to 
our guns it was discovered that Schorield had, with the main 
body of his army, abandoned Franklin and was on his way to 
Nashville. 

It was a terrible battle. One of my brigades, Cockrell's, made 

*See S. P. Lee's ••Brief History of the United States." It confirms my 
diary. Also hook of Gen. J. D. Cox, United States army, and War Rec- 
ords, and Maj. Sanders's letter, on page 340. Also letter of Rev. Thomas 
1! Harkham, page 342. 



Sustaining a Reputation. 297 

theassault with 696 officers and men. and when it was over he had 
277 men in his brigade. His loss was, killed. L9 officers and 79 
men; wounded, 31 officers and L98men; missing, 13 officers and 
79 men; total, 419, which was over sixty per cent. The missing 
were captured inside the works, as stated by some who escaped. 
Sears*s Brigade met with less loss, because it stopped a few min- 
utes in the exterior line before moving to the main line. There 
were twelve general officers killed and wounded and one taken 
prisoner.* 

Hood's official report puts our loss at 4,500. I believe that 
this grand charge of 21,800 men. for a mile or more over an open 
plain, all in full view, was grander than any charge at Gettys- 
burg. 

After the fall of Vicksburg, and the battle of Gettysburg had 
been fought, and enlistments in the Confederate service had 
practically ceased, and the exchange of prisoners stopped, as I 
have stated, it certainly behooved the government andthegener- 
a!s in command of the armies in the East and in the West to 
husbandtheir men and resources. I know this was the opinion of 
Gen. J. E. Johnston, and it was perhaps, in a measure, attributa- 
bleto thisthatGen. Hood superseded him in command of the army 
then at Atlanta, for he had the reputation of being a " tin-liter." 
and when put in command had to sustain that reputation. Gen. 
( rrant was intrusted with the exchange of prisoners and (to take 
the ignominy oil' the government) discontinued the exchange,! 

Mien. John Adams, of Loring's Division, was killed about two hundred 
yards east of the ginhouse. and his body was removed to near the ginhouse 
by order of Col. Casement, United States army, who put a guard over it. 
So after the battle it was not found when- he fell. This led to the belief 
that boring's Division extended to near the ginhouse. 

It has been a source of regret to me that 1 was unable to write an official 
report of the battle of Franklin immediately after it was ended, but on ac- 
count of the condition of my eyes it was put off; and now I wonder why 
I did not have my chief of staff write it under my dictation, but so it is: 
amidst the confusion following the battle it was neglected. I might add 
here that it was years before my eyes were well, though treated by a spe- 
cialist. 

■f-The following is an extract from a letter dated August 18, 1864, writ- 
ten at City Point by Gen. U. S. Grant to Gen. B. F. Butler, agent of 
exchange at Fortress Monroe, Va. : 

"It is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange them, 
but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every 



298 Two Wars. 

and thus all increase of our fighting force ceased. Therefore the 
men in the army had become th( Confederacy, and to them the 
power was virtually transmitted, and the commanders of armies 
held the destiny of the nation in their hands. No dictator ap- 
peared! Wisdom called for the Fabian policy; heedless of her 
voice, the third day after being in command he fought the hat- 
tie of Peach Tree Creek. Two days after this (on the 22d) he 
fought the battle of Atlanta; and on the 28th, a third battle, with- 
out a victory, and all the time the siege of the city continued. 
The men he lost diminished his power. The loss to the enemy 
was nothing. Men cost nothing, and they could get all they 
wanted. Next came Jonesboro, and then Allatoona. both re- 
ducing his strength. And now came the battle of Franklin, 
where he lost about 5,000 more men. Why were the lines of 
the enemy assaulted at Franklin? Was it a strategical point? 
No. Were there in the town magazines or army stores? No. 
Was there anything of such value as to justify 21,874 men as- 
saulting a town defended by25,420 veteran troops? No! Scho- 
field was crossing his teams as rapidly as possible to join Gen. 
Thomas at Nashville. 

I was asked by Gen. T. J. Wood, V. S. A. (in 1865), who 
was at Franklin: "Why did you tight us at Franklin, when we 
were getting away from there as fast as we could?" He said: 
"The order directing the operation of withdrawing the troops 
had been issued, and the officers were assembled in Schofield's 
office, when, to our astonishment, a cannon shot was heard, and, 
looking out, we saw your troops advancing. That order for 
evacuating the place was not changed. Our apprehension was 
that you would cross the river and outflank us, as you did at 
Spring Hill." 

I thought when we arrived at Franklin that Hood, who had 
declined to attack a garrison of 500 men at Resaca with his 



man released on parole or otherwise becomes an active soldier against us 
at once, either directly or indirectly. If we commence a system of ex- 
change which liberates all prisoners taken, we will have to fight on until 
the wlmle South is exterminated. If we hold those caught, they amount 
to no more than dead men. At this particular time to release all Rebel pris- 
oners North would insure Sherman's defeat, and would compromise our 
aafety here." (See War Records, page 606, Series II., Vol. VII., Serial No. 
1 20. ) 



S urpbis ing Com pa rison. 299 

whole army present, and did not risk an attack on the works at 
Decatur when garrisoned by 2,< M M > men, would surely not assault 
the town garrisoned by an army of 25,000 men, with the two 
army corps and one division he had with him numbering only 
21,800 men. Why he gave battle when so little could be gained, 
except some eclat, I cannot tell. I only know that he said to 
Gen. A. P. Stewart that '-captured dispatches told him the time 
had come to fight." 

An army belongs to the nation that made it. and not to the 
general commanding it. Therefore he has no right to sacrifice 
it.* 



*Gen. J. D. Cox. Union army, who commanded most of the troops en- 
gaged in the battle of Franklin, in his volume published describing this 
battle (on page 15) states that our hilled— 1,750— exceeded "Grant's at Shi- 
loh, McClellan's in the seven days' battle, Burnside's at Fredericksburg, 
Rosecrans's at Stone's river or at Chickamauga, Hooker's at ( Ihancellors- 
ville, and were almost as many as Grant's at Cold Harbor, and nine less 
than the British loss at Waterloo out of 43.000 men." The killed, as I have 
shown at Buena Vista, is very greal compared with the wounded: more 
than at Franklin. 

( iomparisons often surprise us. An examination of the " United States 
Army Dictionary." by C. K. Gardner, Adjutant General L'. S. A., brought 
down to 1853, shows also that the number of the killed and wounded in 
the United States forces during the war with Great Britain from 1812 to 
1815 were; killed, 1,045; wounded, 2,656; total 3, 701. (The Creek Indian 
war in Georgia and Alabama omitted.) 

Again, the whole number of killed and wounded, from the tiring of the 
first gun on the banks of the Rio Grande to Buena Vista, from Vera Cruz 
to the City of Mexico, thence to the shore of the Pacific and in California, 
u as only 4,808. 

And so the facts of history show that out of the 21. 800 Confederate sol- 
diers engaged in the battle of Franklin more were killed, in a few hours, 
than during either of the two preceding wars. In the Confederate war 
the United States lost, killed, 99,183, and from disease, 171,806. 

The dispatch that Hood captured just before the battle, dated Novem- 
ber '29. 1864, 3.30 a.m., will be found in Gen. Cox's book (page 25). There 
is no information in it to justify Hood in making the assault. Thomas 
merely "tells Schofield to fall back from Columbia to Franklin, and that 
Gen. A. J. Smith's command had not arrived in Nashville," etc. 

Maj. D. W. Sanders's Letter. 

May 6, 1897. 
Gen. S. G. French, Pensaeola, Fla. 

My Bear General : In answer to your letter of the 29th ult., in which you 
say that in recent correspondence with Gen. A. P. Stewart he says that he 



300 Two Wars. 

Mrs. S. P. Lee states (on page 493) thai "orders were given 
to carry the inner fortifications at daylight." 

has mi recollection of Gen. Hood's order for the artillery at Franklin to 
be put in position, and to open on the enemy about midnight, and when 
ii erased the infantry was to charge the lines over the same ground that 
they did in the first attack. In this letter you also ask me to give my rec- 
ollections about this matter, and if 1 remember the order. 

I remember very distinctly that the order was given, and you communi- 
cated it to me as the adjutant general of your division upon your return 
that night— to wit, November 30, 1864— from Gen. A. P. Stewart's headquar- 
ters. This order I delivered to the officers in command of two of your bri- 
gades; yourthird brigade, which was Ector's Brigade, at that time was on 
detached service guarding the trains in the rear of the two corps which 
charged the enemy's works November 30, 18H4. at Franklin. Tenn. 

The artillery had arrived from Columbia. Tenn., and was placed in po- 
sition to execute this order of Gen. Hood's. Lieut . ( !ol. Llewellyn Hoxton 
was in command of the battalions of artillery. At the time indicated in 
the order Col. Hoxton's artillery opened on Franklin with a heavy can- 
nonade, to which there was no response, and it was therefore evident that 
Scholield had successfully withdrawn his forces and ret reated to Nashville. 

In September, 1886, I met Col. Hoxton at the Lpiscopalian school, four 
or five miles from Alexandria, Va., and had a conversation with him. and 
he said to me that I was entirely correct in my recollection of (his partic- 
ular order, and that he was in command of the artillery, and in the execu- 
tion of his order opened upon Franklin, ami no reply from the enemy sat- 
isfied him that Scholield had retreated, and he ceased tiring, and scouts 
wen' sent to the works, which they found abandoned, and penetrated the 
village of Franklin to the crossing of the Harpeth river; and immediately 
thereafter a great many soldiers, under the command of their officers, 
went through the streets and alleys of Franklin, and it was thus ascer- 
tained to he a fact that the enemy had retreated. 

I remember distinctly the comments of the officers of your division upon 
the delivery of Gen. Hood's order to them, that they would obejr prompt- 
ly and cheerfully, hut that it looked to them as the highest desperation to 
undertake to charge the works under cover of this artillery fire, and carx\y 
them at the point of the bayonet. The fact that this order was given, and 
the circumstances surrounding Hood's troops at that time, are indelibly 
impressed upon my memory, and I have no hesitancy whatever in saying 
distinctly and unequivocally that the order was yiven, and that it was com- 
municated by me to the commanders of the brigades of your division.* 

Yours sincerely, 

D. W. Sanders. 

"The only official report 1 know of, which in any manner refers to this order, and this 
inferentially, is that of Gen. C. L. Stevenson, in which he says : 

'■ During the night (November 30, 1864) this division was put in position preparatory to 
in :iss ; uilt which it was announced was to be made by the entire army at daybreak." (See 
War Records, Battle of Franklin.) . D. W. S. 



No Report Called Fob. 301 

The Rev. Thomas B. Markham, chaplain to Featherstone's 
Brigade, writes: "Our artillery was moved to within point-blank 
range of the enemy's works, ... to open lire on them at ear- 
liest daybreak, after which a general assault was to be made by 
the infantry," etc. (Page 272, Confederal Veteran, June Num- 
ber, 1899.) 

Note. 

It has been a source of much regrel to me that I was unable to write an 
official report of tin- battle of Franklin immediately after it occurred; but 
on account of the condition of my ryes it was put off from time to time, 
and now I wonder why I did not have my adjutant general do it for me. 
But so it was, under the sorrow for lost friends and comrades, and the im- 
mediate pursuit of the enemy to Nashville, it was neglected. Besides, as 
is usual, no report was called for by the commander of the army: and so 
with many it has become only a memory of a great and uncalled-for dis- 
aster to the Confederate cause — a battle fought against great odds, with- 
out any compensating value if successful. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

March fco Nashville — Cold Weather— Partial Investment of theCity — Leave 
of Absence — Turn the Command Over to Brig. Gen. C. W. Sears— Bat- 
tle of Nashville — Hood Not Physically Able for the Duties of :i Com- 
mander in Want of All Supplies — Marshal Saxe — Mulai Malek — Going 
r<> Nashville a Failure: Could Not He Otherwise Leave for Columbus, 
Ga. Marriage to Mary Fontaine Abercrombie — Go to Meriwether < !oun- 
ty to Avoid Wilson's Raid- Robbing in Columbus — Adventures of My 
Orderly— Yankees Laid the Houses— < leu. A. Had No Pies — Gens. Lee 
and Johnston Surrender — Terms Thereof War with the Musket Ends. 

DECEMBER 2, L864, Hood in his impetuosity rushed in pur- 
suit of Schofield's tinny, that was securely at rest behind the 
fortifications at Nashville, where he formed a junction with the 
troops there under Gen. G. H. Thomas. Hood formed his line 
close as he could in front of their works. My division was on the 
left of the ( rranny White turnpike, and ran north of the dwelling 
of E. Montgomery, who was a cotton planter and neighbor of 
mine in Mississippi. Owing to the condition of my eyes. I could 
write no more in my diary. The weather was cold, the ground 
frozen, and covered with snow. 

I remained there suffering with my eyes until the 13th, when 
I was granted a leave of absence, and I turned the command 
over to Gen. ('. \V. Sears. I remained there the 14th. intend- 
ing to leave the next day, but, observing a movement of the 
enemy's troops on the loth, remained there to ascertain his in- 
tentions. Instead of a demonstration, it proved to be a real 
attack. I remained on the field all day, and by night our left 
was forced hack parallel to the Granny White pike. By noon 
on the L6th it was plain that the battle was lost, and in the after- 
noon 1 was advised to leave to avoid confusion of the retreat. 
So. with my two aids, we started for the Tennessee river, and 
crossed it at Tuscumbia. The horses were given the servants to 
ride to Columbus, Ga., and we left by train for the same city. 

The history of the Army of Tennessee from this time to its 
surrender on April 25, L865, by Gen. J. E. Johnston in North 
Carolina may be found in the War Records. Johnston was 
placed in command of this army again at the request of the 
Confederate Congress by a joint resolution that was- passed. 



Hood too Impulsive. 303 

As I shall here probably take my leave of Gen. Mood. I de- 
sire to say that, had he not made erroneous statements in his 
reports and in his hook, and perverted facts, and east reflections 
on me and the men I had the honor to command at Allatoona, I 
would have kept silent, and this biography would never have 
been written: but he and Gen. Corse have obliged me to vindi- 
cate the truth of history for my children and myself, and the 
Confederate soldiers that 1 had the honor to command. 

Gen. Hood w r as a noble commander of a division, for he was 
indeed a brave man; but as the commander of an army, circum- 
stanced as the Confederate States were, he was too impulsive. 
A> well try to catch all the fish in the ocean as to kill all the 
men that the United State- could obtain, or recruit, from the 
nations of the earth, including, our slaves, for the bounty of- 
fered. Constant conflicts entailed losses on both sides, and we 
had no men to sacrifice. The "misfortune in part was that he 
had condemned Johnston's policy, and obeyed him reluctantly, 
and felt bound when he superseded him to carry on an aggres- 
sive war. and in doing so wrecked the Army of Tennessee. 

The influence of personal valor in an officer on his men is gen- 
erally limited toa small body of troops that witness it: whereas. 
victory for an army depends on the skill and the art with which 
the impulsive force of the mas>es is united on the held of battle. 
quickly to accomplish an object and destroy the plans of the ene- 
my. By the art of skillful maneuvering an army may be obliged 
to abandon an advanced position without being driven out at the 
expense of life. Hood was a fighter; but he was not able by 
reason of his wounds to undergo the labor devolving on a com- 
mander constantly marching and fighting, often without sup- 
plies. 

It is true that Marshal Saxe, carried on a litter, won the bat- 
tle of Fontenoy; that Mulai Malek, Emperor of Morocco, in a 
dying condition, planned his last battle, and was carried on a 
litter through the ranks to animate the men. With anguish of 
mind he saw some of his troops giving way. In his last agonies 
he collected strength of life enough to throw himself from the 
litter, and rallied them, and led them to the charge. Exhausted, 
he fell on the field. When placed again on the litter, he laid his 
finger on his mouth to enjoin secrecy on his officers, and in a 
moment expired: but he won the victory. These, and others I 



304 Two Wars. 

remember, are exceptions, but it is not safe to make exceptions 
the rule.* 

Hood's physical condition should have been considered by the 
authorities before he was placed in command, and the question 
asked: '"Has he ever been thrown on his own resources to pro- 
vidt for and direct an independent command? " To command a 
'tups is a small matter compared with directing a campaign 
( against a superior force) often without supplies. I have no de- 
sire to criticise Hood's movements, and will only remark that 1 
am not able to see why he interrupted (leu. Schofieldfrom leaving 
Franklin when he was getting away as fast as he could. That 
interference cost us the loss of nearly 5,000 men, the flower of 
the army, without any compensating object in view or result 
likely to be obtained under the environments. 

Then came Nashville. We went there for recruits and army 
supplies. The presence of our poor, worn-out, and badly 
clothed troops that had survived the late battles of Teach Tree 
Creek of Jul)- 22 and 28 outside of Atlanta, and the siege of 
that city, Jonesboro, Allatoona, Franklin and many smaller 
conflicts consolidated the stream of reinforcements sent to 
Thomas at Nashville until it became a formidable army. 

As a river on its course when stopped by a dam must over- 
flow the obstruction or sweep it away, so Thomas's army was 
gathering force to overwhelm ours, which received no addi- 
tional strength, but on the contrary lost some at Murfreesboro. 
On the walls of Hood's tent were now written: "An army that 
can obtain u<> recruits must eventually surrender." And that he 
could not interpret. Then the tempest came! And the best 
reason I can give that the remnant of the grand Army of Ten- 
nessee so successfully crossed the Tennessee river is that Gen. 
Thomas always rode his horse at a walk. This is no reflec- 
tion on the defense of our rear guard. 

I remained in Columbus, Ga.. and on the 12th of January, 



The battle of Alcazar, called the "Battle of the Three Kings," fought 
about three hundred years ago between Mulai, the emperor of Morocco, 
on the one side, and his nephew, king of Fez, on the other, assisted by 
I »on Sebastian, king of Portugal, under whose standard had Hocked the 
nobility of Christian Europe. Mulai Malek had 40.000 Moorish cavalry. 
Fifteen thousand of the allies were left dead on the field, and the river 
Machassan ran red with blood. 



Lee Surrenders. 305 

1865, married Miss Mary F. Abercrombie, daughter of Gen. 
Anderson Abercrombie, a planter in Russell County, Ala.* 

Sherman had now captured Savannah, and was marching to 
join Grant. Then came the surrender of Gen. Lee. And now 
Gen. J. H. Wilson was nearing Columbus. To escape his thiev- 
ing crowd, I started on Saturday, April 15, in a carriage with 
my wife to take her to Mrs. Campbell's, in Meriwether County, 
Ga., some twenty-hve miles above Columbus. We remained 
that night in town with Judge G. E. Thomas, and started next 
morning. Gen. Howell Cobb was in command of the troops in 
Columbus, and he asked me to remain and take the command of 
the forces. This I declined, but I promised to return Monday 
morning and aid him. About 10 a.m. we heard cannon at Co- 
lumbus, and knew that Wilson had attacked the town. The next 
morning at the dawn of day fugitives from Columbus were pass- 
ing by, and told us that the town was in possession of the Fed- 
erals. So I did not go to join Gen. Cobb. However, being 
anxious to know the condition of affairs, I asked my orderly, 
Hedrick, if he would next morning ride down in the direction 
of the city, and ascertain the condition of affairs, and he said: 
"Yes, General." 

Now it chanced, soon after he started, that Hedrick met a Con- 

*Gen. Anderson Abercrombie was adjutant of Maj. Freeman's battalion 
of Georgia volunteers, U. S. arnry. in the war of 1812. Again under the 
command of Brig. Gen. John Floyd, U. S. A., and was wounded in the 
battle with the Creek Indians at Camp Defiance, Ala., January 27, 1814. 

In an engagement on the 14th of July, 1864, between the Confederate 
troops under Gen. J. H. Clanton and the Federal forces under Gen. Rous- 
seau, Miss Abercrombie's brother, Capt. Robert S. Abercrombie, was 
mortally wounded. He stood in the road alone, whence all had fled, save 
one friend beside him (Albert Hyer), whose life he had saved in battle, 
and when surrounded and begged to surrender refused. To capture him 
they shot him, designedly in his leg, and then through thoughtlessness 
let him bleed to death, notwithstanding there was a tourniquet in his 
pocket, and Mr. Hyer had another. He was buried under a red oak on 
Mr. D. Carroll's place on the Talladega road, Calhoun County, Ala., one 
and three-quarter miles from Greensport, within a half mile of Ten Island 
P. ()., on the beautiful Coosa river. He received from the United States 
officers every attention to save his life, except the all-important one of 
stopping the flow of blood from the wound, which was below the knee. The 
great loss of blood was not noticed by reason of so much water poured 
on the wound. Thus perished a brave man whose life might have been 
saved. 

20 



306 Two Wars. 

federate soldier who told him that the Yankees had taken the 
fort at West Point. Ga., and gave him the name of the Federal 
officer who commanded the expedition, and Hedrick's sagacity 
applied the information to the accomplishment of his purposes. 
Riding on, just below the town of Hamilton, he suddenly en- 
countered a regiment of Federal cavalry. Without hesitation he 
rode up to the leading officer, and inquired for Gen. Wilson. 
saying he was a messenger from the Federal commanding officer 
at West Point, sent to meet Gen. Wilson.* He was directed to 
go on to Columbus. About a mile farther on tw^o cavalrymen in 
a skirt of wood cried out " Halt," and said: " You are a prison- 
er." He told them the story of his having been sent to find 
Gen. Wilson. They were doubtful, and one said : "If yon please. 
none of your blarney to us, for we are from Ould Ireland itself, 
and you are a Johnnie Rebel, and are after daceiven" us. you are. 
Look at the stripe on your jacket." Hedrick explained that he 
could not ride through the country with his United States uni- 
form on, and that his clothing was taken from a prisoner, etc 
"Mike," said one of them, "of course he could not wear his own 
coat, and I am sure he is a gentleman; and did not the colonel 
himself let him pass?" So Pat agreed with Mike, and Hedrick 
rode on. Next, after crossing a stream, he came to a dwelling 
by the roadside: the owner was sitting on the fence by the front 
gate, watching for more Yankees to pass by. when Hedrick rode 
up to him and asked if he could have dinner. The farmer in- 
quired who he was; and he varied the story of being a messen- 
ger to suit the occasion, by saying he was a Yankee, and as so 
many Yankees had just passed, he invited him into his house. 
His daughters hastily prepared a dinner. Hedrick was gracious, 
told them to come down to Columbus— send down chickens and 
butter, and get coffee, sugar, and nice dresses — and with thanks 
departed. About a mile farther on he was stopped by a number 
of men armed with shotguns (in quest of stragglers), farmers in 
the neighborhood, who also inquired who he was and where he 
was going. He said that he was my orderly, ' ' sent to Columbus in 
quest of information." They did not believe him until one of the 
party, who was a lieutenant in the Confederate army, asked 

*The uauie of the Federal commander, and also that of the Confederate 
officer who so nobly defended the fort, have been given in a previous 

chapter. 



A False Alarm. 307 

him, "How long have you been with Gen. French? were you 
with him at Suffolk \ where did he have his headquarters?" etc-., 
to all of which he gave true answers. The lieutenant, who 
had been at Suffolk, said, "Gentlemen, he is all right, I know, 
for I was there;" and so Hedrick journeyed on. Near Columbus 
he encountered the videttes, rode up, and asked that one of them 
should be sent with him to Gen. Wilson's headquarters. The 
corporal refused, telling him, however, where he would ffnd the 
commanding officer. It was dark when he entered the city. He 
rode to Judge Thomas's, remained there all night, and saw Gen. 
Wilson leave the town next morning riding in the carriage taken 
from J. C. Cook. After the troops left the city for Macon, 
Hedrick rode back to Mrs. Campbell's and related to me his ad- 
ventures. 

Two days after we started for Columbus, and below Hamil- 
ton, we found that lieutenant and a squad of men still guarding 
the road. He asked me if I had sent my orderly to Columbus. 
On my answering that I did send him, the maddest man in the 
crowd was the one who, when he sat on the fence, had bidden 
his daughters to give the Yankee a dinner. He swore he "would 
shoot Hedrick for deceiving him;" and while I w T as remonstra- 
ting with him Hedrick, who was behind, rode over the hill and 
was recognized by the irate man, who exclaimed: "Yonder the 
rascal comes." He was warned by his party to be quiet. Hed- 
rick passed us, raising his cap to the crowd, bowed smilingly, 
and passed on. Poor Hedrick, without occasion, and for mere 
adventure, ran the risk of being captured as a spy in Columbus. 

When we were at Mrs. Campbell's the Federal cavalry sev- 
eral times was near by and kept the ladies alarmed, and as for 
myself I was not inclined to be captured and carried off, if it 
could be avoided. Our horses were kept saddled to leave, and 
several times word was sent us that raiding parties were on the 
road. Tired of these alarms, we were at dinner, when some one 
rode by and said : "The Yankees are coming. " One of the la- 
dies went to the front door, and came back screaming. I went 
to the gate, and like a whirlwind came a cloud of dust, and be- 
neath it I thought I saw the feet of cavalry horses; but in half 
a minute, at full run, passed by about forty loose mules driven 
by negro men at their heels wildly shouting. For three days 
Hedrick and the servants were camped out in the woods lest our 



308 Two Wars. 

horses should be stolen at night. It was so demoralizing that I 
returned to Columbus, where there was a Federal garrison, 
passed through the town, and returned to Gen. Abercrombie's. 

While we were gone — as I anticipated — nine of Wilson's bum- 
mers quietly surrounded the dwelling of Gen. Abercrombie 
(near Columbus), and entered the grounds from different direc- 
tions. The General was sitting in a chair on the front gallery 
by the door, and the lirst intimation he had that the thieves were 
at work was- a hand from behind him passed, snakelike, over 
his shoulder and down to his vest pocket to get his watch; for- 
tunately, he had placed it where it was safe. In a few minutes 
those in the house went through every wardrobe, bureau, closet, 
etc. They took all the silverware and jewelry. While this was 
being done the two guards in the rear entered the large out 
kitchen, where "old Aunty Minty," the negro cook, had pre- 
sided for fifty years, and screamed out: "Get us something for 
dinner, quick.' 1 The good old soul was scared half out of her 
wits, and raised her hands, pleading for mercy. "Get some 
ham and eggs for us quick, quick, you old dunce." The stove 
was hot, and she cooked some with the turn of a hand. In a 
minute the platter was empty, and they demanded of her to 
'""bring on the pies." She called on all the saints to witness that 
she had no pies; the rascals swore they "never saw a house a& 
big as that was that did not have pies in it." However, the pie 
question was settled by the captain of the band shouting "Come 
on," and they mounted their horses with their plunder, and left 
for other fields. Then "Aunty" came into the house and told 
her mistress: "Them is the meanest people I ever did see." 

When my overseer left the plantation with the negroes for 
Columbus, he packed up my Brussels linen and best China, and 
took them with him, and left them at Judge Thomas's house. 
The evening Columbus was taken, Mrs. Thomas was sitting by 
a parlor window, and seeing some men in the yard, she asked. 
"Who are you there?" and the reply was, ""Yanks; you did 
not expect us so soon, did you?" They went through every- 
thing in the house in a jiffy, Judge Thomas with them. By his 
engaging manners he got them by the baggage room, and saved 
things there. But they carried my chest of crockery out of the 
basement, thinking they had a prize; but when they found only 
China thev commenced breaking it, but desisted at Mrs. Thorn- 



The War Ended. 309 

as's request. These men became experts from long practice, 
and generally knew where to look for hidden treasures. "As 
the hart panteth after the water brooks," so the hearts of these 
hirelings panted for plunder. 

When the Yankees first went to my plantation, in live minutes a 
company of about thirty men marched into the garden, formed 
line, fixed bayonets, and, marching abreast, probed the ground 
until they struck a box that was buried there containing silver 
tableware. But in this case' I am sure "old Aaron," a house 
servant who buried it for mother, betrayed her confidence in 
him and told the Yanks where it was. These are small matters, 
but I mention them to show how the men, by the connivance of 
officers, if not by participation, became an army of thieves gen- 
erally. 

In a day or two authenticated information was received that 
both Lee's and Johnston's armies had been surrendered on 
terms of agreement, and as I was included in the latter army, I 
went to Columbus and obtained my parole. The terms of the 
surrender were that we were not to be molested by the United 
States authorities so long as we obeyed the laws which were in 
force previous to January, 1861, where we resided. 

On my part, I was sworn "not to bear arms against the United 
States of America, or give any information, or do any military 
duty or act in hostility to the United States, or inimical to a 
permanent peace, ,, etc., and thus the war with the musket ended. 

On reading my parole I discovered what seemed to me a 
petty trick, for it read "not to be disturbed by the United States 
military authorities" leaving me at the mercy of the civil au- 
thorities to be indicted. I was informed those were the paroles 
sent them to be used in Columbus. It must have been a mis- 
print. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Aspect of the Country at Termination of the War — The Returned Confed- 
erate Soldier — Carpetbaggers — Lincoln's Vow — His Proclamation Con- 
cerning Confiscation of Slaves — How the Slaves Were Legally Liberated 
— Lincoln Murdered — Johnson President — His Thirst for Vengeance— 
"Treason " to Be Made Odious — Grant Declared That the Paroles Must 
Not Be Violated — Cost of a Bill of Dry Goods in Confederate Money in 
1864 — Leave Columbus for Greenville, Miss. — Desolate Home — The 
Good Israelite — Return to Columbus — I Go with Mi*s. French to Missis- 
sippi — Traveling Incognito a Failure — Journey to New York in 1865 — In- 
cidents of My Mother and Child When They Went North — Home Confis- 
cated — Edward Cooper's Kind Act — No One Would Touch Mother's 
Trunks — Copy of a Contract in 1865. Whereby I Obtained Funds — Peo- 
ple under Espionage at the'North — Return to the Plantation — Northern 
Plan to Terminate the War. 

IF a man had ascended one of the lofty peaks of the Southern 
Appalachian chain of mountains at the termination of the 
war, and been endowed with telescopic powers of vision extend- 
ing for hundreds of miles in every direction, he would have 
beheld the wreck of " the storm-cradled nation" that fell in de- 
fense of the rights that they possessed under the constitution 
of 1787-88, which was shaped, and established, and agreed to, 
by the States forming the convention. As far as such vision 
could extend, that once beautiful country was almost desolate and 
silent; the busy hum of industry had ceased, the daily smoke of 
burning buildings, the marching of armies, and the dull sound 
of distant cannon terminated; railroads had been destroyed, 
bridges were burned, many wagon roads were impassable; agri- 
culture had nearly ceased, draft animals had been taken for war 
purposes; the flower of the South, with its pride of ancestors, 
had "fallen foremost in the light ;" the noble women were al- 
most paralyzed in mind, ready to doubt the existence of a just 
God who seemingly had been deaf to their prayers, and made 
fatherless their little children; four million slaves sat idle 
around their decaying cabins, impressed with the prevailing idea 
that freedom meant to do as they pleased, and not work any 
more; provisions were scarce, and the whole scene was a pic- 
ture of war's desolation and misery. 



Faith in the Parole. 311 

1 can call to mind the delight I experienced when reading 
that wonderful description by Burke of the desolation of the 
Carnatic, in India, by the butcher Hyder Ali, in years long 
passed; or with sorrowful heart the desolation of the Palati- 
nate by the French troops by order of Louvois, but I am not 
aware of any Northern pen having told the story of the destruc- 
tion of the beautiful Valley of the Shenandoah * in Virginia by 
Gen. P. H. Sheridan, though it be a theme as sad as the one 
immortalized by the genius of Burke. 

Hyder Ali left nothing in the Carnatic that drew the breath 
of life; Sheridan left nothing in the Valley for a crow to feed 
on — as stated in his official report, wherein he writes that "a 
crow could not cross the Valley without carrying his provisions 
with him." 

It is true, however, that you can find in some of the Northern 
school books a beautiful poem entitled '* Sheridan's Ride," as 
mythical as Barbara Frietchie; still there are in the true story 
some incidents not unlike those in Burns's "Tarn O'Shanter" 
that kept "Sheridan far away." 

And now the surviving Confederate soldier returned to what 
was once his happy home. He had faith in the terms of his jxi- 
,■>>/>, that he was "not to be molested by the United States au- 
thorities as long as he obeyed the laws of 1861." Inured to 
hardships incident to a soldier's life, he was well equipped to 
become an industrious, peaceful citizen; he had stormed fortifi- 
cations, captured batteries, marched up to the cannon's deadly 
mouth without tremor, passed days without rest and nights 
without sleep, subsisted on parched corn, been frost-bitten by 
cold, and burned by the torrid sun. His bare feet had left their 
prints in blood on the rocks, and crimsoned the snow on many 
a wintry march; he had stopped the marauder in his path, and 
turned the enemy from his course; he had tempted the ocean in 
its wrath, and driven off its waters the enemy's commercial 
sails. All that man dares he had done. And now in adversity, 
almost naked, with unending toil before him, he commenced 
life anew, and went manfully to work with hope for the joy of 
peace, little thinking of the degradation, insults, humiliations, 
oppressions, robbery, extortions he and his family would be 

*Shen-an-do-ah means the "Bright Daughter of the Stars." 



312 Two Wars. 

subjected to daring the coming years, caused by revengeful 
legislation. And now behold him even greater in peace than 
in war! 

The plunder obtained by the soldiers of the Union army had 
so whetted the avaricious spirit of those who had furnished sub- 
stitutes for themselves, that they were bent on having their 
share of the spoils; and the politicians, anxious to ride into place 
and power, to that end resorted to more machinations than 
Machiavelli ever dreamed of in his advice to the prince. 

By the daily trains came men, generally from the Eastern 
States, in every garb, and they walked along the streets in sin- 
gle file in quest of cheap hotels and boarding houses, and the 
insignia of their order was a carpetbag, and their interests and 
tastes — not their sympathy — prompted them to associate with 
the freedmen, considering themselves just as good and honora- 
ble as the "Wards of the Nation." 

You must not deem it out of place if I here make mention of 
some incidents that occurred pretty early in the war. 

In the Bible we read how Jephthah vowed a vow unto the Lord 
that if he would deliver the children of Amnion into his hands he 
would do certain things. So Lincoln made a solemn vow before 
God that if Gen. Lee were driven back from Maryland he would 
set the slavt « fr> < . After "Antietam " he announced his in tention 
of issuing, and on September 22, L862, he did issue, a proclama- 
tion setting free, by his military authority, all the slaves in the 
rebel States. He still founded his action on "policy and the 
Constitution."* As the Confederate States did not return to the 
Union as required in his September proclamation, on January 
1,1863, he issued his emancipation proclamation, the slaves hav- 
ing been contiscated by Act of Congress in 1862. 

The act of contiscation and the President's proclamation eman- 
cipating the slaves in the Confederacy could not abolish slavery, 
because it existed under the laws of tl<> Stntrs. It could alter 
no State law, still it did affect slavery in this way: it caused 
slaves to leave their owners, and to this extent diminished their 
property and their wealth, but under the laws they could pur- 
chase others. 

The great undefined latent power of the Constitution is em- 

*Goldwin Smith. 



The War a Family Affair. 313 

bodied in Article L, Section 8: "To provide for the common 
defense and general welfare. 11 Under this section almost all the 
outrages of the war were committed, restrained only by inter- 
national rules of war; but these were ignored under the plea 
that the war was only a rebellion — quite a family affair, and 
would soon be settled. Under this article also is found the 
power to tax to any amount " for the common defense and pub- 
lic welfare. 11 

The confiscation act of Congress was unconstitutional. Ed 
Burke, in the Warren Hastings trial, said: "I do not know the 
method of drawing up the indictment against a whole people. 1 ' 
The Constitution declares that the "trial of all crimes, except in 
cases of impeachment, shall be by jury. 11 But this confiscation 
act punished a " whole people 11 without indictment, trial by jury, 
or conviction. 

As the slave owners were called the only privileged class in 
the United States, it is pertinent to inquire if this class of peo- 
ple did not exist in all the States when the Union was formed, 
and if they of the North did not sell their claim to a privileged 
class for a "mess of pottage*" and then howled at the pur- 
chasers for being a privileged class ! Who demanded the enlarge- 
ment of slavery by making it legal to steal or purchase negroes 
from Africa until the year 1808, to give employment to the six 
hundred slave ships owned in the North — in New York and New 
England. We know the town of Newport, R. I. — now the 
abode of wealth — in the year 1750 had one hundred and seventy 
ships engaged in the slave trade for "the love of money.' 1 

A question presents itself here — and it is a pertinent one, 
for it commences at the beginning of this whole matter of 
modern slavery in this country: Who first owned these slaves, 
how did they obtain them, how did they treat them, and to whom 
did they sell these human beings for money, and then with the 
price of blood in their pockets soon began to howl against the 
sin of slavery, and thank the God they served that they were not 
slaveholders any longer '( * 

It has been said by a Northern writer that "indirectly, and 

*I commend to you an article published in the September (year 1900) 
number of Scribner's Magazine, page 303. giving an account of the treat- 
ment of slaves by their owners North; also an account of the last slave 
ship captured by the United States navy [Century Magazine for May, 1894). 



314 Two Wars. 

for the purpose of a more equal distribution of direct taxes, the 
trainers of the Constitution tolerated, while they condemned, 
slavery, but they tolerated it because they believed it would soon 
disappear. They even refused to allow the charter of their own 
liberties to be polluted by the mention of the word ' slave.' " But 
lake heed: did not this convention give ear to the clamor of the 
owners of slave ships and slaves theron to continue for twenty 
years longer to increase slavery and increase their wealth by en- 
slaving free people in Africa? 

No, "they could not, consistently with honor or self -respect, 
transmit to future ages the evidence that some of them had tram- 
pled on the inalienable rights of others." 

''Though slavery was tolerated by being ignored, we should 
not dishonor the memory of those who organized that govern- 
ment to suppose that they did not intend to bestow upon it the 
power to maintain its own authority— the right to overthrow or 
remove slavery or whatt ver might prove fatal to its permanence 
or destroy its usefulness." 

To this the answer is yes. But the proper mode of removing 
it is the real question. It should not be by making war, laying 
waste the country, burning all public buildings and dwelling 
houses, sinking ships, blockading ports, killing, wounding, and 
capturing soldiers, creating debts, levying taxes, exposing our 
soldiers to deadly battle and all the horrors of war — but by re- 
moving the evil by compensation "for the term of service' 1 of 
the slaves to their owners. 

This government is under obligation to compensate, and does 
compensate, parents, masters of apprentices, masters of slaves, 
for service and labor of those subjects w T ho are enlisted in the 
army and navy, for the Constitution recognizes slaves as "per- 
sons held to labor or service/' Removal by compensation might 
have prevented the war. 

England compelled the abolition of slavery in her colonies, 
and she paid in compensation for services, to the slave owners, 
the sum of one hundred million dollars. Out of this, for in- 
stance, Cape Colony obtained fifteen million dollars, which was 
about four hundred dollars per slave. 

If slavery was believed to be fatal to the permanence of the 
Union, it could have been removed by compensation, as in the 
case of England, and not bv hatred and fanaticism. 



CONFISCA TION. 315 

View it as we may, the fact exists that the confiscation act, 
although unconstitutional, did, in effect, rob the Southern peo- 
ple of about two thousand million dollars ($2,000,000,000), com- 
puting four million slaves at five hundred dollars each, which is 
only about half their value; and this was done as a punishment 
for secession. In law it was void; but the property was of such 
a character that it became useless to the owners, because it was 
enticed away. So this act and Lincoln's proclamation caused 
the slaves to leave their owners. And so without a crime, with- 
out an indictment, without a trial by jury or conviction, this 
property was taken from the owners. It was the largest steal 
ever committed by a nation; and. furthermore, they stole from 
the South slaves that they had sold the South. Call it by what 
name you will, it was robbery. It exceeds in magnitude, in 
money value, any of the invasions of India, from Genghis Khan 
down to the English East India Company; or the robbery of 
the proconsuls of Rome; or the wealth Spain derived from Mex- 
ico and Peru by the infamous acts of Cortez and Pizarro. And, 
after all, the loss from confiscating the wk labor" of the slaves, 
great as it is, becomes but one item of loss to which the South- 
ern people were subjected. 

It would perhaps be unjust for me to assign the inducements 
that moved Mr. Lincoln to issue this proclamation, considering 
Congress had already confiscated them. I do not know if pos- 
session of property is, or is not, necessary before it can be sold 
by confiscation.* If a slave not in possession of the United 



*The question of confiscating property, especially slaves, and setting 
them tree will be found in the War Records. Series 2, Vol. I., Serial No. 
114, from page 749 to page 822. This correspondence, and orders, show 
that in 1861 and part of 1862 "confiscation by act of Congress limited the 
penalty to property actually employed in the service of the rebellion with 
the knowledge and consent of its owners, and instead of emancipating 
slaves thus employed left their status to be determined either by the courts 
of the United States or by subsequent legislation." (See Holt's opinion to 
President Lincoln, page 768. etc. ) This was legitimate war. However, the 
want of success changed all this, and the proclamation of May 19, 1862, 
not being complied with, the war ceased to be confined to the troops in 
the field, and degenerated into one of robbery, plunder, destruction of 
private property to reduce the South to subjugation. To this end slaves 
were told they were free, and 178,975 were mustered into the United States- 
army, armed, and, thus encouraged, employed to fight their owners. The 



316 Two Wars. 

States marshal, being in the interior of the Confederacy, can be 
confiscated, then also could all property be confiscated by a pa- 
per bulletin posted on the wall. But in that proclamation there 
was a sinister object in view, and that was to array against the 
Confederate States the sympathies of the Christian world, by 
trying to make it appear that we made the war in defense of, 
and to perpetuate, slavery. Others there are who think that the 
"loyal governors'' who met at Altoona, Pa., obtained it by in- 
sidious threats. But, be this as it may, the proclamation, as a 
legal paper, was worthless. The slaves were afterwards legally 
emancipated by the several States, by the thirteenth amendment 
to the Constitution, and by taking the oath prescribed in the 
President's proclamation, dated May 29, 1865; and all the own- 
ers of slaves who were worth twenty thousand dollars, being 
disfranchised, had to make oath u not hereafter, at any time, to 
acquire any property whatever in slaves, or make use of slave 
labor, or make claim for slaves liberated." The numerous oaths 
and various proceedings required to set the negro legally free, 
and make it binding, remind me of many loyal friends in the 
North going before some judicial officer and renewing their 
oaths of allegiance every new moon, to make it sure and clear 
by accumulated recorded evidence. 

When Jephthah made his vow there was no power to restrain 
him from fulfilling it. Lincoln could not perform his; he was not 
an abolitionist from principle, and there is very much evidence 
that he was not in favor of emancipation; his proclamation set 
free (on paper) only the slaves in a part of the Confederate 
States, leaving slavery untouched in the United Sf<tt,x. That 
is, the Yankees retained slavery in Delaware. Maryland, Ken- 
tucky, and Missouri, and part of Louisiana and the North, and 
tried to abolish it where they could not, and maintained it where 
they could have aholixh.il it. At this malignant confiscation of 
the slaves only in tin Confederacy, Fanueil Hall went wild with 
delight, and Exeter Hall, England, was jubilant. 

I have no desire to discuss annexation (reconstruction) here, 
and hasten on, only to relate some of my experiences under it, 
so that you may know the patience, forbearance, and charity of 

South did not arm a slave to kill white men. There was a marked par- 
allel between the treatment of the non combatants of the South and that 
■of the noneombatants of Cuba by the Spaniards. 



Obd's Manly Reply. 317 

the Southern people under persecution. No one possessing 
knowledge has a right to withhold it from his fellow-men, if it 
will be valuable to them; and so I write. 

And now came reconstruction (annexation), with all its evils. 
President Abraham Lincoln had been foully murdered, and 
Vice President "Andy" Johnson reigned in his stead. 

It is stated that he disliked the refined and best class of people 
in the South; and now, in authority, he thirsted for vengeance 
against them. He declared that "treason should bemade odious," 
and would have arrested Gen. R. E. Lee and other Confederate 
army officers and punished them if possible, had not Gen. Grant 
declared that they could not be molested without violating the 
paroles he had given them, and so prosecution was abandoned 
and persecution substituted, as will be shown after a while. 

Having surrendered and signed a written agreement, and 
made oath to the same, I desired to go to my home in Mississippi, 
as stipulated in the parole. 

Gen. Grant's declaration that his paroles could not be vio- 
lated seems to have been, with him, an after thought, as the fol- 
lowing telegram will show: 

Washington City, April 15, 1865, 4 p.m. 

Maj. Gen. Ord, Richmond, Va. 

Arrest J. A. Campbell, Mayor Mayo, and the members of the old coun- 
cil of Richmond who have not yet taken the oath of allegiance, and put 
them in Libby prison. Hold them guarded beyond the possibility of es- 
cape until further orders. Also arrest all paroled officers and surgeons 
until they can be sent beyond our lines, unless they take the oath of alle- 
giance. The oath need not be received from any one who you have not 
good reasons to believe will observe it, and from none who are excluded 
by the President's proclamation, without authority to do so. Extreme 
vigor will have to be observed while assassination remains the order of 
the day with the Rebels. U. S. Gkant, Lieutenant General. 

Here is Ord's manly answer: 

Richmond, Va., April 15, 1*65. 

Gen. U. S. Grant. 

Cipher dispatch directing certain parties to be arrested is received. 
The two citizens I have seen. They are old, nearly helpless, and I think 
incapable of harm. Lee and staff are in town among the paroled prison- 
ers. Should I arrest them under the circumstances, I think the rebellion 
here would be opened. 

I will risk my life that the present paroles will be kept, and, if you will 
allow me to do so, trust the people here, who, I believe, are ignorant of 
the assassination done by some insane Brutus with but few accomplices. 



318 Two Wars. 

Campbell and Hunter pressed me earnestly yesterday to send them to 
Washington to see the President. Would they have done so if guilty? 
Please answer. E. O. C. Ord. Maj&i General. 

Headquarters Armi of the United States. ) 
Washington, April 15, I860. 8 p.m. | 

Mai. Gen. Ord, Richmond, Va. 

On reflection I will withdraw my dispatch of this date directing the ar- 
rest of Campbell. Mayo, and others, and leave it in the light of a sugges- 
tion, to be executed only so far as you may judge the good of the service 
demands. []. S. Grant, Lieutenant General. 

Richmond. Ya.. April 15, 1865, 9:30 p.m. 

[Received at 10:20 p.m. ] 
Lieut. Gen. I". S. Grant. 

Second telegram, leaving the subject of arrests in my hands, is received. 

E. (). C. <>i;i>. Major General* 

It was after this date that Grant, on reflection, turned around 
and informed the President that the paroles he gave at Appo- 
mattox should not be broken; that he would defend them. All 
honor to him for this! And greater honor to Gen. Ord, who 
pledged his life for the honor of the Southern men who were 
paroled ! 

The first matter to claim consideration was money. I had in 
gold a live-dollar piece and in Confederate notes a few thousand 
dollars. The purchasing power of the latter may be ascertained 
from a bill made by Miss Abercrombie, now my wife, of which 
the following is a true copy: 

Miss Abercrombie, 

To Goodrich & < !o. 

September 28. \ yd. Crape $ 20 00 

October 7. 1 Hoop Skirt 100 00 

7. 14 yds. Erench Merino (Blk. ) @ $87.50 1,225 00 

7. 14 yds. Blk. Rep @ $25 350 00 

14. 20 Blk. Calico @ $10 200 on 

1 Blk. Crape 40 00 

Total $1,935 00 

Columbus, Ga., October 14, 18n4. 

As I had no means to purchase tickets over the railroads, I 
applied to the Quartermaster, U. S. A., for transportation for 
myself, two servants, and two horses, which was furnished me. 

It was sometime in May that we started for home via Mont- 

*See War Records. Vol. XLVL, Series 1. pages 702. 763, Part 3. 



Returning Home. 319 

gomery, Mobile, and New Orleans. As I had to call at the 
headquarters of the commanders in these cities for passes and 
permits, I will here remark in regard to my reception by these 
my late enemies: Gen. A. J. Smith was crabbed and petulant 
when I showed him the order for transportation for the negroes. 
Gen. Sturgis was kind and did all that was desirable for our 
comfort, In New Orleans Gen. Canby was very polite to us, as 
he was to every one. He sent me up the Mississippi river on a 
chartered steamer. The trip up the river was pleasant. There 
were only two other passengers— Father Livingston, a priest, 
and a sick boy. Livingston— may God bless him!— had but one 
change of linen, and he gave that to the sick hoy. who was a 
stranger to him, and nursed the lad attentively. 

I was forcibly struck with the amount of the most costly sec- 
ond-hand furniture sent by express to small towns in Illinois 
and Ohio, put up in oat sacks.* But furniture in New Orleans, 
you know, like " Butler's" spoons, belonged to the victors. The 
captain of the steamer put me on shore at Argyle Landing, near 
my home. I mounted my horse, and the first man I saw was 
"Tom Shelby" sitting on the fence looking at some negro men 
plowing a large field of corn. He hailed me, but I paid no at- 
tention to him. He was a "rampant" war man before the war 
began, but he stayed at home. Indeed, every one of my imme- 
diate neighbors— ten in number— were not in the army, and all, 
except one, able-bodied men and younger than I was. The 

*Col. Augustus Choate Hamlin, U. S. A., in his " Battle of Chancellors- 
ville" (Bangor, Me., published by the author), says (page 27), speaking of 
Blenker's Division: "The men justly complained of their treatment, ana 
also of the abuse bestowed upon them during the march across the Shen- 
andoah Valley for alleged acts of pillage on the way. From what the in- 
spector saw he was of the opinion that the stories had been overestimated, 
and he has thought since that the Second Corps put in the breastworks at 
North Anna more valuables, in the shape of pianos, scientific apparatus, 
and choice furniture, than Blenker's Division stole or destroyed during 
their march over the mountains to Northern Virginia. Their booty and 
destruction, even as exaggerated, was infinitesimal as compared to that 
of the army of the Potomac at the capture of Fredericksburg." 

After Gen. Payne, U. S. A., who was stationed at Paducah, Ky., had 
been court-martialed, he was relieved, and among the papers left behind 
him was one saying: "Don't send any more pianos, or plated silver, or 
pictures: all the kin are supplied: but you can send bed linen and solid 
silverware." 



320 Two Wars. 

Scott boys and Calhoun Hale and his brother were good and 
faithful soldiers, living outside the belt around me. 

When I dismounted at my door, God only knows my agony 
of heart. None to welcome me, none to greet me! 

•• Desolate the hearth, 
Ami wild weeds gathering on the wall." 

Where were the laurels that were to crown my brow '. Wil- 
lows! Fences burned, bridges destroyed; the plantation a for- 
est of tall weeds; horses, mules, cattle, sheep, poultry, provi- 
sions, wagons, implements of every kind all gone; wealth, serv- 
ants, comforts all means of support for my family gone; all 
lost save honor. I sat down and surveyed the desolation around* 
me. Fortunately my house was not burned, and I had a shelter 
for my family, should they come here. I knew the noble wom- 
en of the South, who for years had labored hard and cheerfully, 
trusting in ( rod and the justice of their cause, would not despond. 
Lord Byron makes the beautiful daughters of 

The tribes of the wandering foot and weary breast 

sit down by the rivers of Babylon and weep, but never would 
they string a harp for their foe. The beautiful daughters of the 
South had wept no bitter tears of repentance, nor sung pseans 
for their foe; they had proved themselves equal to adversity in 
war, and would they not help build up lost fortunes in peace? 
So resolve took the place of despondency, and 1 returned to 
( !olumbus for my family. 

Sherman — the fell destroyer — had burned the city of Jackson, 
Miss., and the ruins reminded me of Pompeii. In walking one 
of the streets I passed a canvas shanty, from which I was hailed 
by an Israelite with "Good morning, General; come in.'" He 
had been in the army and knew me; he had some goods and 
groceries for sale. When I was leaving, he asked: "General, 
can't I do something for you? Here are fifty dollars, just take 
them; maybe you can pay me back sometime." I thought the 
angel of mercy was looking down on us, and I thought of Portia's 
address to Shyloek on the quality of mercy. I thanked him 
kindly, and the day came when I had the pleasure of repaying 
the debt. In a few days I arrived in Columbus, and there I 
found a letter from my cousin, Clayton French, of Philadelphia, 
Pa., containing a check for a thousand dollars. I had written 



On the Plantation. 321 

to him to send me some money, and this was his liberal re- 
sponse. 

The servants I had in Columbus had been nominally "confis- 
cated" and set free; so they came to me, almost daily, begging 
me to take them back to the plantation in Mississippi. As I 
was not able to do this, I applied to some "bureau," that had 
charge of "refugees," for transportation for these negroes, and 
to my surprise it was granted. As soon as possible they were 
put on the cars and started for the plantation.* 

On the 17th of September, 186:*), Mrs. French and I lefl Gen. 
Abercrombie's for Greenville, Miss., via Montgomery, Mobile, 
and New Orleans, on some box cars, furnished with wooden 
benches for seats — such was the condition of the railroads at that 
time. 

When we reached home we found most of my old servants 
there awaiting our arrival. To feed and clothe about a hundred 
of these people, and to plant a crop of cotton in the spring, 
clothing, provisions, mules, wagons, farming implements, har- 
ness, etc., had to be procured. 

To obtain funds to purchase the articles enumerated — to com- 

*When Maj. Wiley Abercrombie, Mrs. French's In-oilier, lefl college bo 
join the Confederate army, liis father sent Rica, his carriage driver, bo 
wait on him — Wiley being a youth. 

Now Hint had never worked on the plantation; from childhood he had 
assisted in taking care of the family horses and carriages, and in due time 
became the driver of the family carriage. 

At the battle of Gettysburg Rica was captured and carried nearly to 
Philadelphia, l'a. One aight, however, he made his escape, traveled oh 
foot to the Potomac, crossed thai river, and finally reached Richmond, Va. 
Thence the authorities gave him transportation to Golumbus, Ga. When 
Wiley became a member of my staff Rica came with him, and continued 
with us till the war ended, lie and his wife remained in my family in 
Columbus; thence they went with us to Winter Park. Fla. 

In 1SS4 Rica made a visit to Columbus, and on his journey home, becom- 
ing short of money to purchase a ticket from Jacksonville to Winter Park, 
he obtained work on a railroad. While thus employed he was acciden- 
tally killed by a tree felled on him by one of the hands. 

Poor Rica! J lis fate was a sad one. A slave in name, he fled from free- 
dom given him at Gettysburg, and wandered hack to be a bondsman: and 
next when freedom was imposed on him by legislative enactment lie 
spurned it, desiring only a home for life with the family that had treated 
him almost as one of their own children. I had almost similar experi- 
ence with my own servants before and after the war. 
21 



322 Two Wars. 

mence again — I went to Philadelphia and New York (by special 
permission of the government) in November. 

My clothing was not very tidy; it had seen service; and I con- 
cluded after I left St. Louis to travel through the enemy's coun- 
try incognito so as to avoid war talks. I got along very well 
until I reached Philadelphia. I had been advised to go to the 
Lafayette Hotel; and, too proud to present myself there in my 
present garb, I entered a large clothing establishment and ar- 
rayed myself in a suit of black broadcloth, and told the attend- 
ant to wrap the old suit up. When I paid the bill, judge of my 
astonishment to have him say: "To what hotel, General, shall I 
send the packaged" "Why do you call me general?" I asked. 
' ' Because I saw your rank and name in full written on the inside 
of your vest; that is all right; call and see us again." Next I 
entered the hotel, and went to register my name. As the clerk 
threw the book around, he exclaimed: "How do you do, Gen. 
French!" I was surprised; he replied: "I was in the Confed- 
erate army, and knew you in Virginia; I am employed here be- 
cause we want Southern patronage. " Here was my incognito dis- 
covered twice in one hour. But that is not all. The next day 
I took the train from Camden, N. J., for Woodbury, where my 
mother, sister, and daughter had been refugeeing since they left 
Mississippi until they joined me at the plantation in November, 
1865. I knew many people in the city, and had the honor to 
have been hung there once in effigy by its fanatical people in the 
beginning of the war, for some reason, or no reason, save they 
did a foolish thing and repented of it; and as the "bitter war 
feeling" raged there yet, like the billows of the ocean after the 
storm has passed, I took the last seat in the rear car as a quiet 
place. Now it so happened that the seat opposite me was oc- 
cupied by a genteel-looking fellow, who evidently had been in- 
dulging too freely in whisky and wanted to make himself com- 
panionable. I answered his questions briefly, but he persisted in 
talking, desirous to know who I was. Finally I told him my 
name was French, at which he exclaimed, "Are you Gen. 
French ? " in such a loud voice as to draw the attention of many 
of the passengers to me; and, rising, he proffered his hand and 
said: "Going to your mother's, I reckon; I am a Union soldier, 
and when we reach Woodbury I will get my musket and be your 
escort." He walked up the street with me to the corner, where 



A Rare Gentleman. 323 

we parted; and his parting words were: "If any one troubles you, 
send for me. My name is Paul." * Such was my experience in 
trying to travel incognito. I gave it up, and, when necessary, 
fought square out for Confederate rights. As I went North on 
business, I avoided all controversy about the war as far as pos- 
sible. 

I must now make a digression. In the autumn of 1864 my 
mother, sister, and child, owing to illness, engaged passage on 
a steamer at Greenville, Miss., and started for our summer home 
in Woodbury, N. J. On arriving at the Girard House, in Phila- 
delphia, Mr. Edward Cooper, a relation of mother's, called on 
her and asked her where she was going, and she said: "Down 
home." He then informed her that the property had been con- 
fiscated and sold, and that he had bought it, and rented it. He 
asked her also about funds, and, finding she had near a thousand 
dollars in Confederate money (valueless), under the pretense of 
exchange he replaced it with "greenbacks" — a kind act deli- 
cately done. Besides, a few years later he voluntarily deeded the 
property back to me. This was in striking contrast with others 
who bought my personal property, valuable mainly as memen- 
tos. It is always pleasant to find a gentleman. They are sel- 
dom found to the manor born, 

"Where commerce long prevails." 

Mother went down to Woodbury and engaged board there, 
and returned to the hotel. Next day when they arrived by train 
in that town, the baggage wagon, the express, the porters — no 
one would take their trunks to the house; nothing could induce 
these loyal people to touch the trunks of a Rebel — unless to con- 
fiscate them. And so my mother — an old woman, alone, in the 
town in sight of which she was born and where she lived, among 
her kindred — had to walk away and leave the baggage. Now, 
happily, a man — a Quaker — heard of their loyal proceedings, 
and went to my mother and said, "Well, Aunt Rebecca, if no 
one will bring thy trunks from the depot for thee, I will do it;" 
and in his own wagon this Friend came with the baggage. Go- 
morrah would have been saved had it contained ten men like this 
one. The new dispensation saved Woodbury. The family 

*How noble the conduct of this man who had been in the army con- 
trasted with the citizens who remained at home crying for vengeance! 



324 Two Wars. 

lived in exile until autumn, when they went down to the plan- 
tation. 

I will refer to the main object of my visit to the North. I 
made a visit to New York and failed to obtain funds, returned to 
Philadelphia, and there made the best contract I could; and the 
spirit of liberality shown by my friend will commend itself to 
you by the terms of the contract, which I now have: 

Philadelphia, Pa., December 9, 1865. 

Borrowed of — eight thousand dollars ($8,000), payable within one 

year from the date of this instrument. In consideration of this money 
being furnished me without interest, I agree to furnish or ship him, at 
such point as he may direct, thirty commercial bales of cotton of four hun- 
dred pounds each, of average quality, out of the crop raised by me on my 
plantation during the year eighteen hundred and sixty-six (1866). The 
cotton thus shipped to be the sole property of . 

[Signed] S. G. French. 

As cotton was selling at, or over, forty cents per pound, the 
bonus was (in lieu of legal interest— 30 x 400 X40=$4, 800) at least 
four thousand eight hundred dollars, which is only sixty per cent 
interest. 

When in Venice, I visited the Rialto a number of times, and 
curiosity prompted me to seek the shop near by where Shylock 
studied finance and made that loan to Antonio; and you will re- 
member that when "Tom Walker sold himself to the devil he 
agreed to use the money in the service of the devil by turning 
usurer." * My friend obtained his knowledge of thrift, I know 
not where. But which of these three was the most benevolent I 
will leave you to decide. I only care to observe that they all 
knew that "the poor man's necessity was the rich man's oppor- 
tunity." With me it was Hobson's choice. 

While North I met in New York City and Washington many 
Federal army officers, with whom I had been associated in years 
gone by, and they were kind, especially Gens. Ingalls, Quinby, 
Grant, Steele, Wright, and others. I could not but observe 
about Philadelphia that people were distrustful of each other, 
as though under surveillance. Gen. Robert P. invited me to 
come to his house after dark, and evidently, from what he said. 
did not wish it known that I had been there. Mr. Bayard, 
whose son, Gen. G. D. Bayard, was killed at Fredericksburg, 

* Washington Irving. 



Northern Distrust. 325 

sent me a message that he would like to meet me, but that it 
would not be prudent for him to have me visit him at his home. 
These and other friends were timid about their loyalty being 
challenged if seen with a so-called " Rebel/ 1 

To this general timidity so prevalent Clayton French was an 
exception. He took me to church, theaters, clubs, and wher- 
ever inclination led, in contempt of the crowd that were afraid 
their loyalty might not be above suspicion. Samuel H. French, 
his brother, forgot his intense prejudice against the South, for 
he was one of the best men that ever lived, and forgave all the 
"Rebels" except Jeff Davis. In evidence of the purity of his 
character he told me just before his death that he had never 
been guilty of an act or said anything that he desired to con- 
ceal from his family. There will be no charges against him 
when the judgment book is opened. 

1 arrived in St. Louis on my way home on the 16th of De- 
cember, and saw the floe of ice crush the steamers at the land- 
ing like eggshells. The next morning I walked across the river 
on the ice, and got home on Christmas day and found the weather 
balmy and warm. And now I longed for rest, but the curse of 
the freedmen's bureau was here, to instruct even the cooks when 
to prepare meals and regulate household affairs, and approve all 
contracts for labor on the plantation. 

In connection with my visit North in 1865 it will not perhaps 
be out of place to give here an account of a conversation that 
related to an important contemplated movement. Now, whilst 
I was in Philadelphia, a friend of mine, and late member of the 
United States Senate, called to see me. During a long conver- 
sation on matters pertaining to the war, he asked me "if in 
1862 there was any feeling among the Confederate troops that 
there would be an armistice, and peace made during the truce 
by the fraternization of the opposing forces. v I told him that 
in the summer of 1862, when I was in Petersburg, Va., there 
was a vague idea floating around relating to a peace being near 
at hand, and, although it could not be explained, it was felt to 
be more than a fairy tale, and yet could be traced to no source. 
He then informed me that "a few prominent men in the North 
desired the war should be stopped, and to obtain this end, soon 
after the battle of Antietam, I think it was, a particular friend 
and relation of Gen. McClellan's was sent to him to obtain his 



326 Two Wars. 

views, and ascertain if he would agree to the proposed plan." 
When the agent had unfolded the plan, McClellan denounced it. 
Soon after he was removed, and Burnside put in command of 
the army, which looks as if there was something that they could 
feel in the air there too. 

It is useless to speculate on the results of such a bold under- 
taking 1 . The actors of the movement are all dead, and I pause 
in silence at the brink of their graves. They wished to end the 
war, and restore the Union in that way. Of course McClellan 
would have been made dictator for the time. He would not be- 
tray his trust. 

This incident induces me to remark that war is the most un- 
certain of all undertakings of a nation, and, like the tempest, 
cannot be controlled, and seldom or never ends as predicted. 
The North proclaimed that this "little rebellion' 1 would end in 
sixty days! It lasted four years, and ended as no one had fore- 
seen. It had to suppress rebellions caused by people who enter- 
tained Southern opinions in New York, Chicago, Cincinnati, and 
other cities; muzzle the press, prohibit freedom of speech, ban- 
ish prominent individuals, arrest men without warrant, and im- 
prison them without charges made known to them; and violated 
nearly every resolution and pledge made in the beginning relat- 
ing to the South; they cast aside constitutional law, and substi- 
tuted martial law, under which the South became a scene of deso- 
lation and starvation. 

Much has been said about firing the first gun, "firing on the 
flag." The crime rests on them who made it obligatory to fire 
the first gun. Northern writers are in error when they state 
that " firing on the flag" fired the Northern hearts with unanimi- 
ty of purpose. On the contrary, as I have stated, it produced 
dissension, even to rebellion, until suppressed by arms and in- 
timidation from suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. 

This firing the first gun is made a veritable "humbug.*' It 
reminds me of an occurrence in the grand jury room in Green- 
ville, Miss., in reconstruction days. A man, whom I will call 
"A," sent a message to "B," giving him notice that he intended 
to kill him on sight should he meet him. Warned in this way, 
"B" armed himself with a shotgun. They met. "A" raised his 
gun to his shoulder, and aimed at " B." Seeing this, " B" fired 
instantly, and killed "A." The grand jury investigated the mat- 



The Constitution Inadequate. 327 

ter, and only one member voted to find a true bill against "B," 
and he did it on the grounds that "B" should have waited to see 
if "A" was really going to kill him. 

Now the government of the United States was in the position 
of "A,' 1 only it was not honest enough to inform the Confed- 
erate States that it was going to reenforce Fort Sumter; but 
really made false statements about it, for it secretly sent eight 
warships for that very purpose, which were then at the bar off 
the harbor of Charleston. 

The Confederate government was in the position of "B, v 
and was it to wait to see what the eight ships of war would do, 
to see if "A' 1 would reenforce the garrison, which it pledged 
itself not to do, or fire to prevent it? This is all well known 
now. 

My own opinion is that ^he first gun was fired, at the instiga- 
tion of a number of prominent men North, by John Brown at 
Harper's Ferry, and for which he was apotheosized and num- 
bered among the saints. 

Mr. Lincoln said: "The dogmas of the quiet past are inade- 
quate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with 
difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. Our case is new. 
We must think anew, and act anew. We must disenthrall our- 
selves, and then we shall save the country. n (Joel Parker Lec- 
ture at Harvard College.) 

These words indicate that the powers of the Constitution were 
inadequate to the conduct of the war, and henceforth the war 
must be conducted as occasion deemed expedient. In other 
words, the executive power must be declared greater than the 
power that made it, or the creature greater than the Creator, 
and with dictatorial methods the war was conducted. A vaunt, 
Constitution, a vaunt! We are fighting for the Union, for do- 
minion over the Southern territory again, and so the Constitu- 
tion was folded up, etc. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Freedmen's Bureau — Gen. O. O. Howard, Commissioner — Platform for 
Reconstruction — Ironclad Oath — Natural Rights of Man — Civil Rights 
— Negroes Made Citizens — Persecution — Agents of Freedmen's Bureau 
— Personal Experience— Negro Justices— Some Trials— Judge Shackel- 
ford — Secret Societies — William A. Sharkey — Gov. Adelbert Ames — 
Sheriff Webber — Taxes — Board of Levee Commissioners Dismissed — 
Religious Negroes — Bishop Wilmer— Prayers for the President — Shot- 
gun Election — Hegira — Carpetbaggers — Indissoluble Union — Indestruc- 
tible States— We Were a Conquered Nation — Reconstruction Only a Defi- 
nition for Deeds Done — Strength of Respective Armies. 

WHEN I commenced writing the narrative of my observa- 
tions in early life and the incidents of service in the 
United States army and my diary of the civil war, I did it to 
preserve for my children the record of these events, but in vol- 
ume it has increased more than at tirst intended; and as it may 
perhaps some day be made public, I feel it incumbent on me to 
give my experience under the workings of reconstruction as be- 
ing of more value than a description by any historian of a later 
age who would have no enlightenment by living under its arbi- 
trary rule. 

An act creating the Freedmen's Bureau was passed March 3, 
1865. The commissioner was authorized to set apart for the use 
of loyal refugees and freedmen abandoned lands, also confiscated 
lands, and assign forty acres for three years, etc. , to families. 

In 1866 a supplementary bill was passed over a veto to extend 
the act. "Among other things the bill subjected any white per- 
son, who might be charged with depriving a freedman of civil 
rights or immunities to imprisonment or fine or both, without 
defining the meaning of " civil rights or immunities." The ju- 
risdiction of the agents extended to all contracts, and without a 
written contract and the agent's approval no freedman could be 
employed. No indictment by a grand jury nor a trial by a 
jury was necessary. The ipse dixit of an ignorant negro waa 
cause for fine or imprisonment without appeal. 
. Gen. O. O. Howard, noted for exuberant piety, was made 
Commissioner, and his career, his establishing of the Howard 
University in Washington for the higher culture of the negro r 



Supreme Malignity. 329 

the cottages he built for them, the aid he gave the Church, the 
land he bought, and the Freedman's Bank he established, which 
blew up or burst, can be found in a report of a congressional 
committee. Under this bill the annual expenditure was $11,- 
750,000. 

An article published in the Atlantic Monthly for August, 
1865, sounded the keynote for the action of the United States 
government in legislation for the "rebels," wherein it is stated: 
"We are placed by events in that strange condition in which 
the safety of the republican form of government we desire to 
insure the Southern States has more safeguards in the instincts 
of the ignorant than in the intelligence of the educated." 
And furthermore it is declared that "the highest requirements 
of abstract justice coincide with the lowest requirements of 
political prudence, and the largest justice to the loyal blacks 
is the real condition of the widest clemency to the rebel 
whites." 

This declaration proclaims that the Southern States w T ould be 
safer if their governments were established on the ignorance of the 
blacks than on the intelligence of the whites. Could malignity 
go any farther? On this degrading plane were the State gov- 
ernments established. 

They had called for blood, and got none, save in the case of 
Wirz, who was given to the mob as a "sop." As they could not 
indict a whole nation, they arrested President Davis, and, discov- 
ering no grounds for conviction, he was released, because a fail- 
ure to convict would establish legally the right of secession, and 
thus prove the North to be the aggressor. Failing on this line, 
the human passions and human prejudices of the people arrayed 
under the higher law of conscience swayed them like a mob, and, 
failing to find any lawful means to spill blood, sought vengeance 
in the enacting of partisan laws for plunder of wealth, and the hu- 
miliation of the whites. To this end the Freedmen's Bureau was 
created, and President Johnson's proclamation was issued dis- 
franchising the whites on fourteen different counts: among them 
was one that made the possession of twenty thousand dollars' 
worth of property a crime that disfranchised the owner. Then 
came the ironclad oath, which debarred all persons from taking 
it "who had ever borne arms against the United States since 
they have been citizens thereof, or who have voluntarily given 



330 Two Wabs. 

aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged 
in armed hostility thereto; that they have never sought, nor 
accepted, nor attempted to exercise the functions of any office 
whatsoever under any authority, or pretended authority, in hos- 
tility to the United States," etc. 

All men above twenty-one years of age who could take this 
out}, could vote, and no other's. As there were very few white 
men who could take this oath, the elections fell, as intended, into 
the hands of the negroes, carpetbaggers, and the United States 
troops on duty South. 

The enactment of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States was regarded in the North as a mag- 
nanimous exhibition of philanthropy toward the untutored 
slaves, and it was so accepted by nations; but in reality it was 
an insidious mode of punishing the Southern people. 

The white people who owned the land and paid quite nine- 
tenths of all the taxes were now disfranchised, and the amend- 
ment was intended as a punishment by denying them a voice in 
legislation. 

Senator Morton and Thaddeus Stevens, like the Roman au- 
gurs, could not look in each other's face without laughing at the 
success of their machinations. 

Two years later (in 1870) the fifteenth amendment to the Con- 
stitution was passed. These last three articles placed the Anglo- 
Saxon people in the South under the rule of their former slaves! 
This was the Sim that started the race problem. The freedmen, 
left to themselves, would have settled the labor question, and 
their social position and the race issue; but for aggrandizement 
of power and acquisition of wealth he was dragged into the halls 
of legislation and flattered into the belief that also socially he was 
on an equality with the whites. From this sprung unmention- 
able crimes, and daily lynchings followed as a remedy. 

What a change! As a slave he was the faithful protector of 
his mistress and her family; his children the terror now of un- 
protected women! 

And here I will tell you how the voting was done. The ne- 
groes had, previously, been required to take the oath. At my 
home a table was placed on the gallery, and there the registrars 
were seated. The negroes were called up; as many as could 
touch the Bible were asked if they "had ever held office under 



Xegro Officers. 331 

the United States or given aid," etc. Some said " No," some said 
"Yes, "and some were silent. At lasttheywere toldtosay "No," 
and registration papers were given them, with the charge not to 
lose them. There I sat, no more a citizen than if I had been 
born in China, while my negroes were made eligible to almost 
any office in the country. 

It* is now generally acknowledged that all the negro received 
was by the force of environments; and now he has discovered 
that he has been grateful to the radical party, and payed them 
for a debt of love that had no foundation except in hypocrisy. 
They were told that they were now American citizens, endowed 
with all their moral and civil rights. 

"The natural rights of a solitary individual have no connec- 
tion whatever with the moral and civil rights of the man who 
has entered into association with others." (Huxley.) 

The dominant party entertained the belief that the slaves 
would politically always belong to the party that " confis- 
cated "* them; and confounding natural rights with civil rights, 
they forced the Southern States to pass the fourteenth amend- 
ment to the Constitution, which made them citizens of the United 
States and the State wherein they reside. 

As vultures sail in long lines from their roost (countless in 
numbers) to where the carcass is, so came the harpies and po- 
litical adventurers to the carcass (the South) to embrace the col- 
ored citizens; and, hand in hand, cheek by jowl, they entered 
the political arena, and filled the capitols of the South. Every 
officer in the State from governor to coroner was dismissed, and 
new appointments made. The Legislatures became bacchanalian 
feasts to divide the spoils of office and increase the debts of the 
States by selling State bonds to the amount of countless millions. 
They subsidized everything they could; in short, they ate up or 
took possession of all that was left after the war ceased; and at 
last departed with stolen wealth, and the execrations of all the 
honest people. Negroes were appointed or elected to such of- 
fices as Senator, Governor, members of Congress,! and the judi- 
ciary of the States and county officers. 

*The confiscation of the slaves by act of Congress is an acknowledg- 
ment of the just decision made by Chief Justice Taney in the Dred Scott 
case, that a slave was chattel, or personal property. 

fl know a man North who paid $6,000 to a Congressman for his eon's 



332 Two Wars. 

June 13, 1865, William A. Sharkey was appointed provisional 
governor of the State of Mississippi, and he ordered an election 
of delegates to the convention, and here is the way the members 
were elected: 

On the appointed day the new-made citizens went to the pre- 
cincts to vote. When they came home I asked my servant 
Levi, who had been with me through the war, how many per- 
sons were at the polls, and he said "about two hundred, that 
only two white men were there, and they were inside the house." 
When asked who he voted for, he replied "he voted for that 
thing, you know, called i/n/oention" and the way they voted was 
this: "You remember the paper we had [registration]; I 
handed it to two white men inside the room, through a window; 
they looked at it, handed it back to me, and said open your 
hand; I did so, and one of the men then put a little folded paper 
in my hand, then took it out and put it in a box and said, ' Move 
on. ' " This was a Republican free election, peaceful , quiet, and de- 
cisive, basedon ignorance. Thecomplexion of the convention was 
dark, of course. This ungenerous revenge taken against a con- 
quered people will ever remain a dark shadow over the gener- 
osity and Christian spirit of the Northern people. It, however, 
must be attributed to uncultured minds and want of knowledge 
of history. The masses did not know that New England's 
ablest statesmen always claimed their right of secession, as the 
debates in Congress show. Besides, they were unmindful that 
opinion at the North was about equally divided on this question. 

When the revolutionary war was ended, and the cry for per- 
secution, and confiscation of property of the Tories was raised, 
our Minister to France, Ben Franklin, put that as a trump card 
in his pocket to win against England; and Gens. Alexander 
Hamilton and Nathanael Greene and other liberal gentlemen de- 
clared it would be "an outrage to punish them for holding the 
same opinion that we all held only a few years ago, before the 
war commenced. " What a contrast between the age of honor 
and the age thirsting for gold! 

Perhaps in all the wide world never again will be seen such 
malignant legislation, and maladministration of law, such trials 



appointment. This was excluding the South from positions in the army 
and navy. 



The Freedmen's Bureau. 333 

in the courts, speeches in legislative halls, preaching by illiter- 
ate negroes, mode of getting religion, idleness of the laborers, 
immorality taught by men from the slums of Northern cities, 
thirst for money, howling for office, insolence in office, with up- 
heaval of society, creating constant anxiety of mind as to what 
a day might bring forth. 

Add to these the formation of loyal league societies of ne- 
groes, by politicians swearing them to obedience to orders, 
bands of brothers and sisters, composed of blacks under white 
villains, to burn our towns, and murder the whites; the Kuklux 
Klan of the whites for protection, and other kindred vexations 
and trials that made the South the home of the spirits of pan- 
demonium; so one could truly exclaim with Ariel, 
"Hell is empty and all the devils are here." * 

As 1 have said, they came like vultures to the carcass to devour 
the substance of the helpless South, and they were unblushingly 
successful. Under the Freedmen's Bureau and the military 
governors, those who could not take the ironclad oath were help- 
less. 

The agent of the Freedmen's Bureau in our county (Wash- 
ington, Miss. ) who came first was desirous to aid the planters 
and freedmento make a crop; and as this required reliable labor, 
the planters in the neighborhood agreed to give him cotton to 
the value of $5,000 if he would visit the plantations, when nec- 
essary or convenient, to encourage the hands to work faithfully, 
under the contracts that he had approved, and I will most cheer- 
fully say that without this aid and influence the negroes would 
have been unprofitable producers. 

The agents were changed, and in 1867 an Irishman came, who 
could handle the shillalah, drink whisky without the smell of 
peat, sing the "Irish Dragoon' 1 or the "Widow Malone," and 
run the Freedmen's Bureau. And here is a little of my own ex- 
perience under it with him. 

In renting out the land on shares, among the squads was one 
squad of thirteen hands, with two negroes named Miles and 
Derry as head men. They had about eighty acres put in cot- 
ton. The recorded contract required them to work under my 
direction, and I was to furnish means to raise the crop, and their 



* Shakespeare's "Tempest," Act I. 



334 Two Wars. 

share was half the cotton. Owing to the almost constant spring- 
rains, their crop became hopelessly overgrown with weeds and 
grass. I vainly tried to induce them to abandon the lowest part 
of the land and save about sixty acres; they refused. I then 
wrote a note to the agent. He came out late in the evening with 
the deputy sheriff and sent for Miles and Derry. heard what 
they had to say; then severely reprimanded them; took Miles 
by the ears and backed him against the side of the house and 
pounded his head against the wall vigorously; then taking Deny 
by the ears, he pounded his head as he did Miles's. By this time 
near a hundred negroes were on the lawn peeping up over the 
gallery, which was the arena of the acts. 

Then he made a five minutes' talk to the people, giving them 
some good advice. He then took Miles and Berry through the 
the same enlivening bout, ordering them to be at his office the 
next day at 10 a.m. Again he spoke to the crowd, telling them 
how he had "fought, bled, and died that they might be free," 
etc. 

While this was going on, to stop such proceedings, I took the 
deputy sheriff, Wilson, into the dining room, put a decanter of 
whisky on the sideboard, and told him to get the agent in there, 
give him a glass to sober him, and, when he came out, take his 
arm and go direct for the horses. Much to my relief, he got 
him on his horse and they returned to Greenville. Miles and 
Derry went to Greenville next day, as ordered. The former 
came back much subdued and Derry went to an adjoining plan- 
tation to work. Ridiculous as the performance was, which lasted 
over an hour, it had a good effect on the deportment of all the 
hands on the place. 

The military governor had commissioned a man from the 
North named Webber as sheriff of the county. Bolton, an 
Irishman, Harris, an educated negro from Ohio, and Horton, 
a cotton field negro without education, were appointed justices 
of the peace in Greenville. I will very briefly give you an idea 
of the administration of justice in a few cases out of many 
brought before them. 

Ed Chamberlain, who had been a negro soldier in the United 
States army, occupied a house at the southern gate of the plan- 
tation, and he was instructed to keep the gate shut on account 
of cattle. Twice without cause he had told H. N. Hood, a neigh- 



Arrested by a Negro. 335 

boring planter, in an insolent manner : ' ' Shut the gate after you. " 
On a third occasion he repeated the remarks, whereupon Hood 
and a friend with him gave him a trouncing. They then went to 
Justice Harris, told him what they had done, and settled the 
case by each giving him tive dollars. On trial day Chamberlain 
went to court, and when the court adjourned he asked the justice 
why he did not try his case, and the answer was: "Go home; I 
tried your complaint long ago." 

Another f reedman on the place named Nelson one morning got 
into a triangular tight with his wife and a colored girl. They 
all started for Greenville to lay their respective grievances be- 
fore Judge Harris. However, they met Harris on horseback 
on the road running through the plantation, and he accosted 
them: "Good morning, ladies and gentleman; where are you 
going?" They told him that they were going to see him in 
Greenville, and all made complaint to him there in the road; 
whereupon he fined each the sum of five dollars, and I had to 
advance the money or they would have left the plantation. That 
was summary justice, and an examination of the books by the 
grand jury showed that he had credited the county with the fif- 
teen dollars. 

A third case worthy of notice as illustrating the vigilance of 
the colored brethren as magistrates is the trial of what may be 
termed "State of Mississippi vs. S. G. French." John Dixon, 
a f reedman, about Christmas stole two bales of cotton from the 
ginhouse in open daylight, and being pursued by my manager, 
threw the bales off his wagon, and they were recovered. I went 
to Greenville, and before Bolton, the justice of the peace, swore 
out a warrant for the arrest of Dixon. A number of days passed 
and he was not arrested. So I sent for Dixon, and settled money 
accounts with him, and told him to leave the plantation. 

Some days after this a deputy negro constable was sent to ar- 
rest Dixon; but, meeting one of my hands on the road and mak- 
ing known to him the purport of his visit, he was told: "Go 
home, nigger; de ginneral done gone settled with John long ago, 
and John have left the place." So the deputy returned and re- 
ported accordingly. 

Perhaps it was a week after this that a negro constable came 
to my house with a warrant to arrest me issued by the cotton- 
field justice, Horton, charging me with having compounded a 



336 Two Wars. 

felony. Who prompted Horton to issue the warrant I never 
knew; but, as he employed a " jack-leg " lawyer to keep his 
docket and act as legal adviser, he may have induced Horton to 
act in the matter. I asked Frank Valliant, a distinguished law- 
yer, to take my case and defend me. He said that he had re- 
solved not to argue any case where a negro presided, for he dis- 
liked to say, " May it please your honor," to an illiterate negro. 
However, out of friendship, he said that he would appear for 
me if I would pay any fine imposed upon him for contempt of 
court. 

Some two weeks after this the trial day came. Valliant and 
I went to the room where Horton dispensed justice, and found 
him behind a railing seated at a small table with the Mississippi 
code in his hand. John Dixon and "Jack-leg" were there, but 
no lookers-on. After turning the code first one end up and then 
the other several times, he announced: " Dis court am assem- 
bled to hear the case of Gen. French for composing a felony 
with John Dixon/ 1 

Valliant seemed to be swallowing something that was swell- 
ing in his throat, but he rose and went near the table and said: 
"Will your honor let me have the papers in this case?" 

" What papers you want? I am done hab none." 

"Where is the affidavit made against Gen. French?" 

"I just told you, Mr. Valliant, I done hab none."' 

"Well, how could you arrest a person without charge being 
made? " 

" Sir, dis court has been informed dat Gen. French swore 
John Dixon stole two hales ob his cotton, which am an offense, 
and then done settled and composed it, which am a crime 
against the law, and an insult to the majesty ob de State of 
Mississippi." 

1 [ere the ,w jack-leg " injected a remark to the judge, when Val- 
liant asked him: "Are you engaged as an attorney in this case?" 

He replied: " I am." 

" Then I wish to see your license." 

At this Horton said: " De gentleman wants to see your li- 
cense. Go and get it, sir." 

While he was absent in quest of the paper Valliant read the 
law to the court, showing his honor that the license must be 
granted by the Circuit Court. 



"Composing" a Felony. 337 

When the license was handed to Valliant he read it to the 
court, and, it being: one granted by the Chancellor, was of no 
authority. At this information Horton rose from his seat, and 
in a loud voice said: "Sir, you will stand aside. You have 
imposed on dis court, and am no more a lawyer in any case 
in court here." 

When this incident was over, and the indignant court had 
composed itself, Valliant tried again to satisfy the judge that 
there was no case before the court; but he insisted that I had 
composed & felony, and that his court was bound to "'vestigate 
what am a crime in de eye of de law." Under the argument 
and showing of my attorney, however, the judge began to 
weaken, especially when told that he would be held responsible 
for this unwarrantable arrest. 

Valliant now whispered to me: " We will have to buy out of 
this." 

"All right," was the reply. 

Then my attorney went to the table, and quietly whispered to 
Horton: "Will ten dollars settle expenses?" 

A ten-dollar bill was handed the judge, and that sum c<>iitj><ix((l 
the felony, the feelings of the court, and the offended majesty 
of the State. 

Valliant was the wit of the Greenville bar, and a true friend. 
Some years ago he was called from his field of usefulness and 
sorrowing friends to 

Sleep the sleep that knows no breaking. 

These are not a tithe of my personal experience with the Bu- 
reau and the courts. They were almost daily annoyances to all. 

One day I received a note from the agent of the Freedmen's 
Bureau to come to his office if convenient. I went as requested; 
found there one of my hands, who had no common sense, and was 
told he complained that I had not settled with him agreeably to 
the contract; and when the agent asked him what complaint he 
had to make he said that I had paid him only a half, w r hereas I 
had promised him a fourth, and insisted that four was more than 
two. 

But I pass from the recital of these petty annoyances to lar- 
ger ones. The circuit judge appointed was named S , and 

in political parlance he was a "scallywag." It would seem that, 
22 



338 Two Wars. 

to make his loyalty apparent, he imposed harsh sentences or 
punishments on nearly every white person convicted, and he 
committed personally some criminal offenses. 

It was. I believe, in the winter of 1876 or 1877 that I was a 
member of the grand jury of Washington County. All those 
who were summoned — twelve whites and six negroes — answered 
to their names. The judge excused one member, and accepted 
another person, who was sworn in. The matter of a murder was 
among other things brought to the notice of the grand jury. 
All voted against finding a true bill except two other members 
and myself. This same day (Saturday) we were about to rind 
an indictment against the judge for falsely representing himself 
as surety on the bond of the notorious Bolton, who was ap- 
pointed county treasurer, the facts in the case being that the 
judge did not sign his name to the bond, but told his clerk of 
the court to sign it for him. To this the clerk made oath, but 
excused himself by informing us that "it is common practice 
now." 

On Sunday Bolton gave a champagne dinner to the judge, 
and it was there arranged that the judge should dismiss the grand 
jury on Monday morning to prevent indictments being found 
against himself mid Bolton. The excuse offered was that put- 
ting a juror on in the place of one excused was irregular, and 
their Findings would be void, and also we had failed to find a true 
bill against a certain man. And so we were all discharged with- 
out retaining the three who voted to rind a true bill, and a new 
jury was empaneled. That night the negroes called a mass meet- 
ing to condemn these proceedings of the judge; but the meeting 
svas captured through the influence of two negroes — Gray, the 
state senator, and Ross, a negro from Kentucky — and resolu- 
tions passed complimenting the judge. The fine hand of Bolton 
\\:i^ seen in this. Some months after, the judge called on me, 
and said he wished to say that he discharged that grand jury be- 
cause they did not find an indictment against S , who had 

killed a man in an altercation. 1 replied: "Judge, no person 
in Greenville believes that to be true." 

The judge was afterwards petitioned by the members of the 
bar to resign. The list was headed by the distinguished attor- 
ney, William A. Percy. Six months after this a person ap- 
peared in Greenville with a challenge for Col. Percy. For 



Exposing Villainy. 339 

amusement Percy said: "The judge has had six months to prac- 
tice at a target, and I also want a little time to practice; then 1 
will accommodate him." After worrying the bearer of the car- 
tel some time he accepted the challenge, the light to take place 
on an island in the Mississippi river. Nothing further was 
heard from the challenger, and he died soon after, it is reported, 
from mortification. 

Before the judge had dismissed the grand jury it had found a 
number of indictments against persons who belonged to a secret 
association of freedmen, known as the "Band of Brothers and 
Sisters, 1 " bound by oaths to rob, burn the town, and murder the 
whites. The day these disclosures were made the witnesses were 
shot at in the night, and claimed protection. 

Bolton, who had been an officer in the United States volunteers 
during the war, was president of the band; Gray, negro state 
senator, vice president; and a scallywag named Brentlinger, from 
Kentucky, was treasurer. He was also postmaster, through Bol- 
ton's influence. Bolton spent most of his time in the post office, 
and induced Brentlinger to lend him public funds to the amount 
of about $3,000. An effort was made to destroy the post office 
books by setting fire to the office, but a man fortunately saved 
the books. Bolton, however, got them from the office as a pack- 
age purporting to have come by mail, and destroyed them. 

Then came a United States post office inspector, who discovered 
the loss of funds, books, etc., and removed or suspended the 
postmaster. Bolton went on Brentlinger\s bond, and accom- 
panied him to Jackson, Miss., where he was tried before Judge 
Hill. Bolton told Brentlinger that he had arranged it with the 
judge. If he would remain silent, and make no disclosures, he 
would be acquitted. He was found guilty, and sent to the peni- 
tentiary at Albany, N. Y. 

In hope of convicting some of these scoundrels, 1 wrote to 
President Grant for permission to visit the penitentiary and ob- 
tain Brentlinger 1 s testimony, and the attorney-general, Alphonso 
Taft, to whom the request was referred, gave permission. 

In due time I made the visit to Albany, and with the keeper, 
Pillsbury, saw Brentlinger. He wrote out what he knew about 
the society, acknowledged that he was treasurer; but from timid- 
ity would give but little testimony of his own knowledge, and 
made it mostly hearsay evidence. It corroborated exactly what 



340 Two Wars. 

we learned in the jury room. No use was made of this testi- 
mony, because all who were implicated agreed to quit the State 
and never come back. I have this testimony and the attorney- 
general's letter. 

The military governor appointed one T. L. Webber sheriff of 
the county. Without the knowledge of any one, he falsely re- 
ported thousands of acres of plantation lands, and other sections 
of land, sold for taxes. This he did for two years. Not a name 
of any delinquent taxpayer yvas ever published, and no one at- 
tended any sale. Planters continued paying their taxes regu- 
larly. At last it was discovered that the reported list of taxable 
lands did not embrace half the lands on which taxes were paid. 
A list was obtained for the grand jury. I found that six hundred 
and forty acres out of the heart of my plantation had been re- 
ported sold; Bourge's plantation of two thousand acres, all sold, 
and so on; yet we were paying taxes all the same. 

Next year 1 know of but two planters who paid any taxes in 

the county. Had Gov. A remained, there would not have 

been any taxes paid in the State. He wrote to Bolton to know 
how he was to get any salary, or any courts could be held, or 
Legislatures meet, etc., and was told that the services of all such 
were not required, etc. 

The cmditor had been receiving from the sheriff only the 
money received from lands on the tax list, while he (the sheriff) 
pocketed all money paid on lands that he pretended were sold 
and not taxable — by "sold" meaning forfeited to the govern- 
ment. To escape perjury, Webber's reports of taxable lands. 
were not signed by him, but by his brother, a worthless fel- 
low. 

When the people elected a negro sheriff over Webber, he 
bought the office of sheriff' from him for $1,000 and the negro 
sheriff (O. Winslow) appointed him his deputy. Webber, when 
detected, turned into the bank $40,000 out of perhaps $150,000 
stolen, and went to Florida. The ablest lawyers said he could 
not be convicted under the existing condition of affairs. 

Those who would not pay taxes were permitted to redeem 
their lands by act of the Legislature, by paying back taxes, the 
title coming from the State. The $40,0< >0 was distributed among 
the owners of the forfeited lands, and used in part payment of 
the taxes. O reconstruction, what a curse thou wast! 



Uncertain Help. 341 

Had Ames remained, there would have been presented a sin- 
gular revolution — the people of the State peacefully pursuing 
their avocations without a government; every function of state 
government would have been suspended. When the governor 
applied to Grant for troops he was refused. Grant telegraphed 
that ''the public was tired of the annual autumnal outbreaks in 
the South." 

Another source of annoyance to the planters — nay, it was 
ruinous — was the want of reliable labor. Capital could not com- 
mand labor in the rich Yazoo bottoms, and it had to be obtained 
from a distance. 

I went to Wytheville, Franklin, and Danville, Va., for labor. 
In Danville I made a contract with a man named Wilson to bring 
me some thirty hands. About the middle of February he arrived 
with the negroes. I paid him 11,040 for transportation and 
services. One pleasant noon in May a servant came in and told 
me a certain negro was leaving the place; he was the last of the 
men that Wilson brought, except a Spanish negro, who was paint- 
ing my house. 

My neighbor Jackson went to Richmond, Va., and obtained 
some forty hands; paid their way to Greenville. Their contract 
made was that they were to raise a crop of cotton and corn, and 
out of their share of the crop they were to repay expenses of 
transportation, provisions, etc. Gradually they began to leave 
him, and went into the employment of negroes who had rented 
land. They were hired for two bales of cotton. By this pro- 
ceeding they escaped paying transportation. 

One day in May the last of Jackson's hands (on Monday) 
went to the smokehouse and obtained their rations for the week, 
and then quit the plantation. They were arrested for breach 
of contract and obtaining supplies under false pretenses, and 
were tried before the notorious Judge Bolton. Whilst the trial 
was going on, Bolton asked my views of the matter. I told him 
if they were acquitted every contract recorded in court would 
be worthless, and it would damage the planting interest in the 
county perhaps two hundred thousand dollars. Nevertheless, he 
decided that there was no evidence to prove that the hands had 
any intention of leaving when they drew their rations, although 
they had a place engaged and left as soon as they got the pro- 
visions. For months I never retired to rest without apprehen- 



342 Two Wars. 

sion that some of my hands would leave during the night, at 
the persuasions of visiting spies. 

Another trouble was to check the thoughtless extravagance of 
the freedmen. If they were largely in debt, when fall came, 
they would not gather their cotton, believing it mortgaged to 
the merchants for all it would bring, but quit, and pick cotton 
on some other place, by the hundred, for cash. Of these things 
there was no end. 

The counties of Bolivar, Washington, and Issaquena composed 
a levee district in Mississippi, and had for years protected the 
lands from overflow by constructing levees. Funds were ob- 
tained by tax on lands and by sales of bonds. When the war 
ended, I was elected president of the board. Gen. Alvan C. Gil- 
lem was military governor, and gave me all the aid he could to re- 
build the levees. I negotiated the bonds in New York City at 
par, and repaired the levees and saved the plantations from 
overflow. "When Ames* became military governor, he one 
day sent a man to Greenville with an order dismissing us, and 
required the office to be turned over to the bearer, etc. ; and 
this, too, when the river was at its highest stage. I went 
to Jackson to see him. I demanded the grounds for his action 
in the matter, and was refused. At this time the river was out 
of its banks everywhere, except in our district. I wrote to 
President Grant, and he answered: "You should have tele- 
graphed at once." Gen. Sherman wrote, "Yours is not a pub- 
lic office, and Ames is wrong, etc., meddling with private cor- 
porations," or words to that effect. 

Whilst in Jackson, the capital of Mississippi, I was ottered 
the opportunity of seeing the legislators who made our laws, 
composed mainly of carpetbaggers and negroes. For this pur- 
pose I obtained a seat by the sidewalk on the main street lead- 
ing to the capitol. 

As the hour to meet had arrived, down this street could be 
seen the members approaching. Generally they came two to- 
gether, arm in arm, a carpetbagger and a negro in close confab. 
The whites were clothed in garments of various makes and col- 
ors; the negroes rejoiced in black clothing, with Prince Al- 
bert coats and silk hats and gold-headed canes. Down the ave- 

* Appointed June 1">. 1868. 



SCEXES IN THE Uot'SK. 343 

line and far away could hi' seen the white of their eyes, teeth, 
shirts, and enormous collars. 

The carpetbagger was generally holding- on to the arm of his 
colored brother, and engaged in conversation; and, judging from 
the gestures, they were advocating some benevolent measure for 
the benefit of the "wards of the nation," and their own pros- 
perity. One other observation I made: there were no small feet, 
and not an arehed instep; Hap, flap, came down their flat feet. 
I had seen enough; I thought the negro had the more honest 
face. 

Thence I went into the House. Ye gods, what a sight! The 
floor was dirty, the many spittoons were all filthy — tilled with 
quids of tobacco, stumps of cigars, pieces of paper around them 
were cemented to the floor by dried tobacco juice; fumes of to- 
bacco filled the house, so that the air was foul and unpleasant. 

The members were seated, black and white side by side, all 
over the house, perhaps to guide them in voting; and they lolled 
on the desks and chairs. A negro would lay his head on the 
desk of his white neighbor, look him in the face, and laugh with 
great glee at what was told him; the conversation was so loud 
and the laughter so boisterous that the Speaker could not com- 
mand silence: he pounded with the gavel, and shouted ""Order! 
order!" till his voice was drowned by the cries of "Master 
Speakyar!" from the negroes, while the whites shouted and 
waved their arms frantically to catch the Speaker's eye for rec- 
ognition. The whole scene was one of confusion not unlike the 
Gold Exchange, New York, in days of yore, or the Stock Ex- 
change. 

I then went to the Senate chamber. It was cleaner than the 
House, and better order was preserved; but what a travesty on 
intelligence and decorum, and shame on the government of the 
United States, North, that made this not only possible but com- 
mon, and laughed at it with joyous hearts; and wherefore? It 
was an assembly of mostly dishonest white men influencing the 
uneducated negro members to enact laws whereby the State was, 
by bonded indebtedness, plundered of millions of dollars. Their 
reign is ended. 

"I myself have seen the ungodly in great power and flourish- 
ing like a green bay tree: I went by again, and lo, he was gone." 
Adieu! The royal Bengal tiger, when he once tastes human 



344 Two Wars. 

blood, will depopulate a village; so the loyal carpetbagger, hav- 
ing tasted Southern plunder, went home and devised a scheme of 
trust companies now in operation. 

Then came taxation. On this matter I will merely remark that 
on realty it was about ten per cent. Government tax on cot- 
ton, in the aggregate, was sixty-seven million dollars. On cot- 
ton it was (all told), including charges by the government, about 
twenty dollars per bale. There should now be on lile in the De- 
partment of Agriculture a letter written by me to Mr. Isaac 
Newton, commissioner, telling him that, were it practical, I 
would deed to the United States the land planted in cotton, if it 
were exempted from taxation one year, which meant — the mar- 
ket value of the land was twenty dollars per acre; and as one 
acre would produce a bale of cotton, and the tax on the bale was 
twenty dollars, the tax was equal to the value of the land — that 
was confiscation. An acre in cotton, if it produced a bale, was 
taxed, as I have related; but if planted in corn or sown in wheat, 
the produce was free. All these legal pilferings, vexations, 
insults, arrogance, and trials to our families were in silence and 
poverty submitted to, that our children might have food and 
clothing. Our patience in adversity, amidst trials and suffer- 
ings, gives greater evidence of elevation and dignity of charac- 
ter than did matchless achievements in arms. In the tented 
field we found redress for wrongs; in reconstruction years we 
lived in expectancy, as the Christians lived in the years of Nero, 
not knowing what would befall us next. 

The negroes, when set free, became very pious, and gave more 
time to their devotions than to the crops. After the Freedmen's 
Bureau agents took their departure, nearly all of them "gotre- 
ligion , ' and wanted to preach. Their protracted ("distracted" 
they called them) meetings continued all night long, for five 
and six weeks continuously. Men and women would leave the 
church (I had one on the plantation) after sunrise, go to the 
field direct, and sleep leaning on their hoes. I found one sleep- 
ing on the creek bank, and on asking him what was the matter, 
he said: "O, I have got religion in me as big as a yearling 
calf." And thus piety impaired industry to an alarming extent, 
without improving morality. 

Bishop Wilmer (Episcopal), during the war, had omitted the 
usual prayer "'for the President of the United States and all 



The Shotgun Policy. 345 

others in authority, 1 '' and this continued after the surrender. 
For this offense Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas was so distressed 
that he, by orders, caused the bishop and the clergy in the dio- 
cese to cease from preaching; and this gave rise to a discussion, 
which was terminated by the President denouncing the silly or- 
der and revoking it. I have no doubt of Gen. Thomas's sincer- 
ity, for he was prudent and cautious, and he must have been 
really convinced that President Johnson, and all others in au- 
thority with him, needed the prayers of the Episcopal clergy to 
bless them and replenish their grace. 

The Bishop was not as desirous of praying for the President 
of the United States as was a young priest after the surrender. 
He had omitted praying for President Davis since his capture, 
and had not decided what to do when the Sabbath came; but 
found relief, when asked by a United States army officer if he 
had any objection to using the old prayer for the President of 
the United States, by answering: "No, none whatever; for I 
know of no one who needs our prayers more than he." 

The few incidents of my own experience that I have narrated 
are to illustrate the condition of the people of the South during 
the years of reconstruction (annexation), and for preservation 
for future ages; to show the ills, vexations, humiliations, and 
indignities so unjustly and designedly imposed upon them as a 
spiteful punishment for daring to assert their rights and defend 
their homes. The fifteenth amendment to the Constitution has 
brought forth bitter fruit to the progress of the freedmen and 
the peaceful progress of the whole country by offering the negro 
a dependent support on politics rather than labor. Their votes 
were generally in the market, and their sale at the presidential 
nominations for office in the Federal service in the South con- 
solidated the white people against them when harmony would 
otherwise have existed. 

The State of Mississippi was saved from utter ruin by what 
the North called "the shotgun policy." Seeing nothing but 
poverty and wretchedness before us, it was determined to rescue 
the State from the hands of the carpetbaggers and negroes by a 
compromise with the freedmen. In our county we offered them 
the offices of congressmen, the sheriff of the county, clerk of the 
chancery court, clerk of the circuit court, and justice of the 
peace, but not a member of the Legislature. The educated whites 



346 Two Wars. 

were to redeem the State from perdition in the halls of legisla- 
tion. 

In the hustings absolute protection by arms was pledged to all 
freedmen who voted the Democratic ticket, and to those who 
voted the radical ticket, not a hair of their heads should he 
touched, if order was maintained by them: but under all circum- 
stances a fret election sli<>ul<l 1>, />,/</. and peac< preserved. Ev- 
ery one knew that a disturbance imperiled life. The consequence 
was that a more cheerful, peaceful election never was held. ( )ne 
party had yellow tickets and the other white, open in their hands, 
and the vote could be counted as well outside as inside at the [tolls: 
and furthermore the radical white carpetbaggers were in an un- 
mistakable manner informed that they would be held responsi- 
ble if peace at the polls was not maintained. Thus was the State 
redeemed from the hands of the corrupt carpetbaggers and cor- 
rupt followers of the United States army, and all cried: "Amen!" 
The joy that followed cannot be realized, and cheerful industry 
commenced. The suffering, vexations, and agony of mind of 
the people South during reconstruction years, unless written 
by those who endured them, will no more be known in history 
than are the cries for mercy uttered in the chambers of tor- 
ture in the prisons and baronial castles of Europe during the 
Middle Ages. And now for all these malicious tortures, for 
the state debts, for the enfranchising of the negro, and the race 
problem the harshest condemnation I have known to be ex- 
pressed by the party which imposed them on us is: "It was a 
blunder!" 

In a statesman "« blunder is a crime" said Napoleon. So by 
parity of reasoning, you can discover in what class you have 
placed yourselves. This election is the hegira of misrule and 
vampirism. 

It is difficult to subscribe to the dogma of "an indissoluble 
union of indestructible States/' It is at variance with the founda- 
tion of all government; "for governments are founded on su- 
perior force that subjects everything to the will of the governor, 
or it is founded on a compact, express or tacit. . . . When 
founded on force, resistance is implied. ... In a govern- 
ment founded on an express agreement, or compact, resistance 
is unlawful while the ruler maintains his part of the contract. 
When he violates those rules resistance is legal and justifiable. 



In the Union or Oct of It. 347 

Hence in all governments resistance is naturally inherent." 
(Lord Wooclhouselee.) 

In the twelfth century, for instance, there "was in Aragon 
the Justiza, an officer elected by the people, who was the su- 
preme interpreter of the law and protector of the people. . . . 
This great officer had likewise the privilege of receiving in the 
namt of tin peopli the king's oath of coronation, and during the 
ceremony he held a naked sword pointed at the heart of the sov- 
ereign, whom he thus addressed: ' We, your equals, constitute you 
our sovereign, and we voluntarily engage to obey your mandates 
on condition that you protect us in the enjoyment of our rights; 
if otherwise, not.'" Here we find reserved rights of the people, 
as in our Constitution. 

States appear to be destructible. From the Pillars of Her- 
cules, all around the shores of the Mediterranean Sea— where 
dwelt the people to whom God gave laws amidst the thunders of 
Horeb and others, whence came language and most of our civ- 
ilization and religion— are found the ashes of dead empires. 

The Confederate States must have been out of the Union, un- 
less we admit that the English language is not expressive enough 
to clearly describe events. To me the act of Congress passed 
February 17, 1870, to "admit the State of Mississippi," the 
proclamations to "come back," * to "restore the State," etc., are 
but a few of the proofs that we were out of the Union; and the 
declaration of Avar, the blockade, belligerent rights show that 
the Confederate States were independent. We were "rebels" 
(so called) designedly to enable the United States to escape pay- 
ing Confederate bonds held by foreign powers, and to settle 
other international questions with them. We were in the 
Union or out of the Union, as the exigency of the occasion re- 
quired. 

And this reminds me of an incident that occurred in the sec- 
tion room at the United States Military Academy in 1811. Capt. 
J. A. Thomas was assistant professor of ethics. The subject: 
' 'The Constitution of the United States. " He there said : ' ' Gen- 
tlemen, there are latent powers in this Constitution that will be 
found to meet every emergency that may arise." And now. 
behold, since then! "The higher law," "the extra constitu- 
* Lincoln's December proclamation says: " Such States shall be received 
again into the Union." 



348 Two Wars. 

tional measures,'" 1 "the confiscation of property, 11 "greenbacks 
a legal tender, 11 etc., the wealth of the nation made exempt 
from taxation by the supreme court, and the trusts, etc. Truly 
we were a conquered nation, because the United States had to re- 
sort to all the constitutional requirements of foreign warfare. 

In the platform accepted by Mr. Lincoln is this resolution: 
11 Resolved, That we maintain inviolate the rights of the 
States, and especially the right of each State to order and con- 
trol its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment 
exclusively. 11 And in his inaugural he said: "I have no pur- 
pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with slavery in any of 
the slaveholding States of the Union.' 1 

Then Congress passed, February 11, 1861, the following: 
" .Resolved, That neither Congress, nor the people, nor the gov- 
ernment of the nonslaveholding States have the right to legis- 
late upon or interfere with slavery in any of the slaveholding 
States of the Union.'' 

These resolutions and promises were brushed aside like reeds 
in the path of conquest. Their armies marched on without any 
check by the act of habeas corpus, as it was suspended by article 
2 in the President's proclamation of September 22, 1862, which 
reads: "That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in regard 
to all persons arrested, or who are now or hereafter during the 
rebellion shall be imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military 
prison, or other place of confinement by any military authority 
or by sentence of any court-martial or military commission." 

1 remember a story on the Committee of the French Acade- 
my appointed to prepare the "Academy Dictionary. 11 Their 
definition of a crab was "a small, red fish which walks back- 
ward. 1 ' "Gentlemen," said Cuvier, "your definition would be 
perfect, only for three exceptions: The crab is not a fish, it is 
not red, and it does not walk backward." 

So, if the Union was indissoluble, and the States were inde- 
structible, how could they be reconstructed and readmitted? It 
is as erroneous as the definition of the crab. 

It may be said, almost literally, that the administration for 
the expansion of war power deposited the Constitution in the 
State Department for the use of the supreme court after the 
war. They now ordained a despotic policy as being more ex- 
pedient to run the government, because it could be changed, like 



An Inalienable Right. 340 

a vane on a house top, according to the breath of public opinion 
or the exigency of the times. To confine their troops to the duty 
of destroying the regular Confederate forces, according to the 
usages of civilized war, had been tried in vain; but once freed 
from the restraints of the Constitution and modern rules of war, 
the work of desolation commenced to the extent that a ruthless 
general reported that a crow would have to carry its provisions 
if it crossed the valley he had laid waste. His example was ex- 
celled by others. The truth is that if the North had not disre- 
garded the Constitution, it would have ruined them. It was a 
government of opportunism. 

As regards reconstruction (so called), I will only observe that 
a conquered people are obliged to accept such terms as the con- 
queror offers. 

In our case the separate or sovereign States that withdrew 
from the Union were the parties conquered. The negotiators 
for peace on the one part were the Congressional Committee on 
Reconstruction, and on the other each one of the sovereign 
States for itself. The terms ottered the States respectively were 
embodied in the last three amendments to the Constitution. As 
these were accepted they were admitted into the Union, each a 
sovereign State. So the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth 
articles. of the Constitution, when accepted, became virtually a 
treaty of peace between the North and the South, made State by 
State. Virginia, Texas, and Mississippi were the last, and they 
did not accept the terms offered until 1870, when they were ad- 
mitted into the Union. 

As Minerva sprung from the brain of Jupiter, full grown, 
robed in the panoply of war, and took her seat among the gods, so 
the Confederate States — born in a day, clothed in all the attri- 
butes of government, complete in every department — took her 
station among the nations of the earth. She exacted from the 
United States the observance of international law on war and 
official intercourse. After four years of the most sanguinary 
war of modern times she fell, white and pure, before the mer- 
cenary hosts of the nations arrayed against her. She died for 
the priceless heritage wrung from tyrants "that all just powers 
of government are derived from the consent of the governed.^ 
' For this inalienable right — a right that has been exercised 
by almost every nation on earth, and for which millions and 



350 Two Wabs. 

millions of lives have been sacrificed — the States seceded, and it 
will never die. It was implanted by Providence like religion in 
the hearts of mankind. It is an invisible power behind a veil 
that will break through as certainly as the soul at death lifts the 
dim veil that hides the life beyond the grave. It is an occult 
power pervading the air, and gentle until developed by oppres- 
sion, whether by bad government or remorseless tyranny inci- 
dent to aggregated wealth or other causes. It was not the vic- 
tories of the Confederate armies; it was not because they gave the 
world a Lee, a Johnston, a Forrest, and a Stonewall Jackson that 
won the admiration of the nations; but because over all these 
the South was true to her convictions of right. Their achieve- 
ments were great, but their cause was greater; their deeds are 
immortal, their cause eternal, and paid for in blood. It will 
exist till the leaves of the judgment book unfold. 

I must now take my farewell of the good Confederate soldiers 
with whom I have had the honor to serve. I know their valor 
and their worth. Like the sibylline books, as they diminish in 
numbers they will increase in value, and with the last veteran 
the order will end — then silence! Their valor will be the com- 
mon heritage of mankind. Their memory will be revered by 
their posterity, and linger in the mind as sweetly as the fra- 
grance of flowers. Their cause let none gainsay; it is the birth- 
right of all the ages. 

To you, my children, I have related some of my observations, 
and given a little of my experience in this wonderful nineteenth 
century. 

In my youth dwellings were lit up with candles; then came 
gas and kerosene; now electricity illumes cities and streets, cars 
and ships. Steam power was known, but it had not been ap- 
plied to railroads or steamships on the ocean, or to many me- 
chanical purposes. How well do I remember the many journeys 
I made over the Alleghany Mountains by stage to Pittsburg. 
Brownsville, and Wheeling, and how steam power superseded 
horse power in ferryboats, treadmills, and sailing vessels on the 
ocean ! 

I have told you how I went with Prof. Morse to receive what 
may be deemed the first message of the telegraph; now we send 
messages around the world. 

In 1862 I saw a telephone established from one house to an- 



A Progressiie Age. 351 

other, distant about fifty yards, by two young ladies in Wilming- 
ton, N. C, to communicate with each other. To-day we talk 
face to face a thousand miles. 

The discovery of anaesthetics has alleviated the pain of the 
surgeon's knife, and with the X ray he looks through the hu- 
man body, and makes visible the location and cause of pain, etc. 

During this century the map of the world has had many changes 
by the Napoleonic wars, the upheaval of 1840 by Garibaldi, Bis- 
marck, Germany, and France; and all Africa is subjugated. In 
the Orient — that empire of occult science and mystery, of mag- 
ic, fakirs, castes, and barbaric wealth; six times invaded from 
the West through the gates of India by Alexander, Mahmoud, 
Genghis Khan, Tamerlane, Monguls, and Persians — at last, in 
this century, with a population of over 300,000,000, has passed 
into the possession of England, and Queen Victoria is Empress 
of India! What destiny awaits China, with her 400,000,000 peo- 
ple? 

We have witnessed Spain lose possession of all her colonies in 
South America, Mexico, and her West Indies possessions and the 
Philippine Islands; the slave trade, conceded to New England, 
ended only in 1808; imprisonment for debt was in existence 
when I was young in some of the States — in short, such has 
been the progress of liberty during this closing century that 
it has turned the world upside down, and to all oppressors from 
any cause the spirit of liberty cries: 

"By all ye will or whisper, 
By all ye leave or do. 
The silent sullen people 

Shall weigh your God aud you." 



APPENDIX. 



Some Statistics of the War. 

Total enlistment in the United States army 2.778,304 

Total enlistment in the Confederate States army 600,000 

FIRST. 
Number of Foreigners in the United States Army. 

German 176,800 

Irish 144,200 

British Americans 53, 500 

English 45,500 

Other foreigners 74,900 

Total foreigners 494.1)00 

Whites from the South 276,439 

Negroes from the South 178,975 

T. »tal 455,414 

( irand total 950,314 

Here you will discover a force 350,414 stronger than the whole 
Confederate army, without enlisting a native-born citizen of the 
North; also that the South furnished the North J/oo,4J/ f men. 

SECOND. 

New York troops enlisted 448,850 

Pennsylvania troops enlisted 337. 936 

Total 786,786 

Here is an army larger than the Confederate States army. 

THIRD. 

Illinois furnished (men) 259,092 

Ohio furnished (men) 313,180 

Indiana furnished (men) 196,336 

Total 768,608 

Here we have a second army larger than the Confederate 
army. 

FOURTH. 

The New England States furnished 363,162 

The slave States furnished (whites and negroes) 455,414 

Total 818,576 

23 



354 Two Wars. 

Here is a third army larger than the Confederate army, and 
the fourth army came from the excess of numbers in the three 
preceding- ones. 

But the most remarkable fact is, that there were in the Unit- 
ed States army 950,314 men that should be called foreigners, as 
none belonged to the North by birth. 

In connection with the number of foreigners in the United 
States army, I will remark that Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, of 
Massachusetts, in his argument before the Tewksburv Almshouse 
investigating committee, July 15, 1883, said: '"Before you go to 
throwing ridicule on the foreign-born, let me tell you that you 
had better look into the question of who fought your battles. 
In the first place, look at the per cent of what birth the inmates 
in our soldiers' homes were: fifty-eight and one-half per cent of 
the soldiers in these homes are of f<>r< !</n Mrth." 

Again he said: "Some of us stayed at home and pressed soft 
cushions of skm/ned paupers while these foreigners so much 
sneered at were fighting our battles." 

In regard to the tanning of the skins of the dead inmates of 
the almshouse, Butler quotes from Carlyle (page 354), and goes 
on to say that at Meudon the skins of the guillotined were 
turned into good wash leather and made into breeches for pau- 
pers. So the paupers in France were dressed in the skins of my 
lord and lady, "while in Massachusetts it was our aristocrats 
that wore slippers made from the breasts of women paupers." 
Matters here are reversed — it is my lord and lady who wear such 
slippers. 

It may be of some interest to quote further from Butler. In 
contrasting the expenses of the soldiers' home (one of them) he 
said it took 278 turkeys for their Thanksgiving dinner, and their 
lasl "potpie" required 34 sheep, K»j barrels of potatoes, and '2 
barrels of Hour. During the year they ate 758 head of cattle. 
1,659 head of sheep, 3,714 barrels of Hour. 15.744 dozen eggs, 
154,932 pounds of butter, 69,289 pounds of coffee, 57, '.'41 pounds 
of fish. 7« ( .»50 pounds of tea. 10,570 cans of tomatoes, L6,431 
pounds of rice, llo.44<» pounds of sugar, 21,325 pounds of prunes. 
and other articles too numerous to mention, amounting to the 
sum of 1204,728," hereby establishing that the inmates of the 
soldiers' home were fed cheaper and better than the paupers of 
the Tewkesbury almshouse. 



Appendix. 355 

I refrain from naming the horrors of this institution in Mas- 
sachusetts; but the men who are fond of the horrible depravity 
of mankind, for money, can find their taste gratified in Butler's 
pamphlet, illustrated by photographs of tanned skins, etc. 

Civilization, even among the cultured, is sometimes a diaph- 
anous garment to hide the infernal. "Nature still makes him; 
and has an infernal in her as well as a celestial." 

Well might it be said by an English writer that "the men in 
the North could, for a moderate sum, engage substitutes to vi- 
cariously die for them, while they sipped their wines at the 
clubs in safety." 

Percentage Killed and Wounded in Late Wars. 

Allies in the Crimea 3.2 per cent 

Austrians in 1866 2.6 per cent 

Germans in the Franco-German war 3.1 per cent 

Federals in the Confederate war 4.7 per cent 

Confederates in the Confederate war 9.0 per cent 



Slave Owners in the Confederate Army. 

This question, as far as I am informed, has not been analyzed 
to separate it from the concrete mass of men that composed the 
Confederate army. This is desirable to establish what influence 
they had in deciding the Southern States to secede from the 
Union, and the solution of it should give the number of slave 
owners in the army. 

The white population of these States was, in 1860, about 
8,3< M >,0< M ». There were 346,000 whites who owned slaves. These 
figures represent and include men of all ages, widows, and minors: 
also young married women who owned the servant usually given 
them. 

Now divide 8,300,000 by 346,000, and we have %\%%%%°=2±, 
which shows that only one person in twenty-four was a slave- 
holder, and we know not what number in this twenty-four were 
women, orphans, and old men. If allowance be made for the 
old men, women, and minors, there would not be over four able- 
bodied men to the one hundred; hence in a company of one hun- 
dred soldiers four would be slave owners. In a regiment of one 
thousand there would be forty, in ten thousand there would be 
four hundred, and in the whole Confederate army of six hun- 
dred thousand there would be only twenty-four thousand who 
\ 



356 Two Wars. 

represented slavery. The remainder (600,000 — 24,000) would 
be 576,000 who were not slaveowners! This number, however, 
might be reduced by young men heirs apparent of slaves. 

Henceforth, then, let it be known that the Confederate army 
was not an army of slave owners. To the people of the South 
it was well known that the slaves were fast becoming the prop- 
erty of the owners of large estates, and on many sugar and cot- 
ton plantations there were from one to two hundred negroes em- 
ployed. The tendency was to consolidate labor, as it was more 
profitable. Therefore it was that the Confederate army was 
mainly composed of men as free from interests in slavery as were 
the men living in sight of Bunker Hill. These men were con- 
tending for an object far more dear to them than any arising 
from slavery. They had seen the accumulated funds of the Unit- 
ed States treasury expended in making harbors for towns on the 
great Northern lakes yearly, and in digging deep-water channels 
for Eastern cities, and appropriations for little creeks called 
rivers; while the harbors of the Southern cities were neglected. 
Then, again, the tariff almost invariably discriminated against 
the South, even to the extent of nullification, almost thirty years 
anterior to the war; then the fugitive slave act was nullified by 
Northern State laws; "underground railroad" was a term used 
to express how negro slaves were conveyed under cover of the 
night to the North when enticed from their owners. They open- 
ly published that the Constitution was a "compact made with 
the devil;" and the hatred of the North and the West was so 
widespread that by a sectional party vote they elected a Presi- 
dent antagonistic to the South. These are but a few of the acts 
that caused secession; and yet he who believes that secession 
was entertained by more than a mere majority of the people 
South is mistaken. Genuine love and an abiding fidelity to the 
Constitution were ever found in the South. Her cause for com- 
plaint also was that the people of the North and West, actuated 
by hatred of the people South, proclaimed that the higher law 
of conscience was superior to the Constitution! 

Events came on apace. The Southern people were homogene- 
ous, "to the manner born." Save only in the commercial cities 
were there any foreigners and but few Northerners. North Car- 
olina did not have quite one per cent foreign; the West had about 
thirty-five per cent. (Census Report.) 



Appendix. 357 

When coercion of the South was proclaimed, it was the horno- 
geneousness of her people that solidified both parties at once to 
a common defense of their homes, and these live hundred and sev- 
enty-six thousand soldiers, without interest in slavery, for four 
years fought for the right of their people to govern themselves 
in their own way. Their deeds are now a matter of history that 
will, by them, be recorded, contrary to the past rule, that the 
conquerors always write history. 

Appomattox terminated the war only — it was not a court to 
adjudicate the right of secession — but its sequence established 
the fact that secession was not treason nor rebellion, and that it 
yet exists, restrained only by the question of expediency. 
Wherefore the Union will be maintained mainly by avoiding 
sectional and class legislation, and remembering always that in 
the halls of legislation the minority have some rights, and in the 
minority the truth will generally be found. 

The charge, then, that the slaveholders, so few in number, 
forced secession, or that the five hundred and seventy-six thou- 
sand nonslaveholders who really constituted the Confederate 
army were battling to maintain slavery, is a popular error. 

The cry at the North that the South was fighting to maintain 
slavery was proclaimed (as I have elsewmere said) to prejudice 
the Emperor Napoleon III. and the English Cabinet against 
forming an alliance with the Confederate States; but the power 
of public opinion and the press were such that they were obliged 
to remain neutral; for this constrained neutrality England was 
,; warded by being forced, when the war ended, to pay the 
United States the sum of fifteen million dollars — the Geneva 
mm iul — for the ships destroyed by Admiral Raphael Semmes, 
Confederate States Navy; and France was rewarded by obliging 
Napoleon to withdraw his troops from Mexico, and leave poor 
Maximilian to his fate — a warning for weak men thirsting for 
empire. 



Prison Deaths and Prisoners. 

The number of Confederate prisoners in Northern prisons 
was 220,000, and the number of Federal prisoners in prisons 
South was 270,000. 

Death rate in Northern prisons 12 per cent 

Death rate in Southern prisons 9 per cent 



358 



Two Wars. 



See the report of Secretary Stanton, made July 9, 1866; also 
the report of Surgeon General Barnes, United States Army. 
Some of the Brigade Losses in Particular Engagements. 



Gettysburg — 
Gettysburg — 

An tie tarn 

Franklin 

( hickamauga. . 



Garnett's Brigade ( Y;t. ) 
Perry's " (Fla.) 

Wofford's " (Tex.) 
Coekrell's " (Mo.) 
Benning's " (Ga.) 



Pickett's Division 
Anderson's " 
Hood's " 

French's " 
Hood's ,; 



65.9 per cent 
65 •' •' 

64.1 '• 

60.2 •' •• 
56.6 " " 



There are thirteen more brigades with losses, varying in 
numbers, before the percentage is reduced to forty per cent. 
Percentage of Loss in Some Regiments in Single Battles. 



Gettysburg . 
Gettysburg . 

Gettysburg . 
Antietarn. . . 
Antietam. . . 
Antietam. . . 
Antietam. . . 



Twenty-First North Carolina 

First Missouri 

Twenty-Sixth North Carolina 

Twentieth Texas 

Twelfth Massachusetts 

Twenty-First Georgia 

One Hundred and First New York 



90 per cent 

82 " " 

88.5 " •• 

82.8 " " 

67 " " 

76 •• " 

71 " •• 



And so on. There are over fifty regiments in the Confederatt 
army before forty per cent is reached. How many there are in 
the Federal army I do not know. (From kk The Confederate Sol- 
dier in the Civil War, 11 and other sources.) 



The Authority to Tax 

is the greatest power a people can give a government, yet it is 
a necessary measure, but often dangerous; it can be used to im- 
poverish a people, or enrich a comparatively few individuals, 
or to rob one section of a vast country to build up another. It 
has caused more distress than droughts or floods; it has caused 
more insurrections, revolutions, and wars than all other acts of 
man intrusted with authority. There are many modes of taxa- 
tion, but the most insidious one is the quiet robbery by a tariff'. 

This might be demonstrated by the United States pension 
laws. The pensioners (and I am a Mexican war pensioner) re- 
ceive as a free gift from the treasury the sum of about one hun- 
dred and fifty million dollars annually. It goes to enrich the 
people of the States where they reside. 

If there be no pensioners living in any one State, that State 
contributes to support the pensioners, but receives nothing in 
return: so, if all the pensioners were to become citizens of any 



Appendix. 359 

om State, that State would receive in pension money one hun- 
dred and fifty million dollars yearly, or in fifteen years the enor- 
mous sum of two billion two hundred and fifty million dollars 
derived by taxation of the people in the other States, less the 
sum that one State paid and returned to it. 

Now, if all the pensioners, from any cause, should migrate to 
Ohio, or North Carolina, would the other forty-four States be 
taxed for (say) the benefit of the people of the State of North 
Carolina in the sum of two billion two hundred and fifty million 
dollars during the next fifteen years? No, never. 

The presumption is that the Southern States pay, under the 
revenue laws, one-third of the revenue collected. If so, then 
the South pays the pensioners about fifty million dollars annua- 
ally, and receives in return only the small sum paid the few pen- 
sioners residing 1 within the Southern States; and thus one section 
of the country is taxed, under the revenue tariff laws, to enrich 

the other, Q. E. D. 

Cost of the War. 

The total cost of the war between the States was, to June 

30, 1879 $10,861,929,909 

Value of the slaves confiscated and emancipated 3,000,000.000 

Destruction of property in the South (estimated) 600,000.000 



Naval Power of the United States. 

The following enumeration of the vessels in the United States 
service will convey some idea of the power of the North: 

Seven hundred vessels were employed in blockading our coast 
and guarding our rivers. 

During the year 1862-63 there were 533 steamers, barges, and 
coal boats belonging to the United States on the Mississippi 
river and its tributaries; and at the same time the United States 
Quartermaster's Department chartered 1,750 steamers and ves- 
sels to aid Gen. Grant in his operations against Vicksburg. In 
short, there were 2,283 vessels, exclusive of iron-clad mortar 
boats, operating to capture Vicksburg. The actual siege com- 
menced May 18, and ended July 4, 1863, embracing a period of 
forty-seven days. 

Names, Rank, and Positions of Officers on My Staff. 
Abercrombie, Wiley, Lieutenant, Aid-de-Camp. 
Anderson, Archer, Major, Aid-de-Camp. 



360 Two Wars. 

Archer, C, Lieutenant, Orel. Officer. 

Baker, J. A., Captain, Aid-de-Camp. 

Baldwin, John M., Captain, Acting Ord. Officer. 

Cain, W. H., Captain, Commissary. 

Danner, Albert, Captain, Quartermaster. 

Daves, Graham, Major, A. A. General. 

Drane, N. M., Captain, Quartermaster. 

Freeman, E. T., Lieutenant, A. A. I. General. 

Haile. Calhoun, Lieutenant, Aid-de-Camp. 

Harrison. William B., Major, Chief Surgeon. 

Morey, John B., Major, Chief Quartermaster. 

Myers, C. D., Lieutenant, Aid-de-Cani}). 

Overton, M., Captain, Ord. Officer. 

Reynolds, F. A., Captain, A. A. General. 

Robertson, N. H., Lieutenant, Artillery. 

Rogers, H. J., Captain, Engineer. 

Sanders, D. \\\, Major, Adj. General. 

Shingleur, James A., Lieutenant, Maj. and A. A. G. 

Shumaker, S. M., Major, Chief Artillery. 

Storrs, George S., Lieutenant, Maj. and Chief Art. 

Venet, John Bo, Captain, Engineer. 

Yerger, James R., Lieutenant, Aid-de-Camp. 

Thomas. Grigsby E., Sergeant, Ordnance. 



Government in Louisiana, 1875-76. 
The forces that were developed during the last two years of 
the war found a wide field for operation as the Union troops 
marched through the South, and induced the troops to plunder, 
because there was money in it, and when the war ended this 
force entered the wide area of reconstruction, and produced 
those cursed scenes witnessed all over the South, because 
there was money in it, and yet when the States were ad- 
mitted into the Union it was natural to suppose that its power 
for evil was spent. Not at all; it rallied, and entered the field 
of politics; debased by all the license of war, which exempted 
them from punishment for all crimes, they sold themselves for 
a price, and the dual governments commenced: the one estab- 
lished by the property owners and respectable people, the other 
by the carpetbaggers, scalawags, and negroes. Here were of- 
fices by election and by appointment affording almost unlimited 



Appendix. 361 

opportunity to plunder. They had no conscience when they 
could put money in their pockets. 

To illustrate, I will, as briefly as I can, take the State of Louisi- 
ana. In 1875 this State had two rival courts, two opposing Legis- 
latures. One was the radical carpetbaggers, and the other con- 
servative. There were three governors; also United States 
Senators, black and white, and Gen. P. H. Sheridan was mili- 
tary director; and over and above all the United States inter- 
meddling in her affairs. The rival courts were occupied in 
reversing the decisions of each other, the Legislatures in pass- 
ing bills that were not valid for the want of a quorum, or ob- 
taining the signature of the right governor, whether of Kellogg, 
Warmouth, or McEnery (the three governors). 

As this threefold government presaged the probability of the 
radical party not receiving the electoral vote of the State in the 
coming election for President, something had to be done to ac 
complish it. Accordingly the President directed the Secretary 
of War to issue an order directly and secretly to Gen. P. H. 
Sheridan, who was in Chicago, to proceed to New Orleans, and 
it was suggested that he should make the journey appear as one 
undertaken for recreation. So he and some of his staff, and a 
party of ladies on pleasure bent, sailed down the turbulent Mis- 
sippi river to New Orleans, and established headquarters in the 
St. Charles Hotel. 

Sheridan's secret orders, dated December 24, 1871, were sent 
to him direct from the Secretary of War, and without the knowl- 
edge of Gen. Sherman, commanding the army, or of Gen. Mc- 
Dowell, commanding the Department of the South, which em- 
braced Louisiana, with his headquarters in Louisville, Ky. ; but 
he was advised that he might stop and make known to Gen. Mc- 
Dowell the object of his mission if he deemed it proper to do 
so, but he passed by without seeing McDowell. On arriving in 
New Orleans he made the State of Louisiana a part of his de- 
partment, and then issued his decree declaring the people of the 
state "banditti." This alarmed the President. It was too im- 
perialistic. Sheridan then suggested that Congress be called on 
to pass an act in a few words making the people banditti. The 
President declined. Then the chief of the banditti advised the 
President to issue an order through the War Department declar- 
ing the people banditti, and to leave all to him, and he would 



362 Two Waus. 

quell them without giving him (the President) any further trou- 
ble. In all this there is a thirst for blood and punishment by 
military authority. But Grant, sitting on the ragged edge of 
imperialism, declined to support his man-of -all-work on the ban- 
ditti question. But still undaunted, Sheridan perchance recalled 
to mind how Cromwell entered the "Praise- God Barebone 1 * 
house of Parliament, and, charging the members to be guilty of 
dishonorable acts, drove them out of the house by an armed force, 
locked the door, and put the key in his pocket; or how Napoleon 
entered the hall of the council of five hundred in Paris, and at 
the point of the bayonet dissolved the convention — resolved to 
imitate those great men by taking a company of the United States 
army, and thrust the members of the conservative Legislature 
into the street. This he did by sending Gen. De Trobirand to 
close the legislative hall of a sovereign State in the Union, first 
ejecting the members. 

However much the North was willing to punish the South, 
they saw in this a usurpation of United States authority which, 
if unrebuked, might be applied to a "truly loyal" State in the 
North; and now the Northern press howled, not because it had 
been done in Louisiana, but for fear their Legislatures might be 
invaded likewise, and they cried: "Have we also a Caesar?" 
And all this was done to secure the vote of Louisiana to the radi- 
cal party in the coming presidential election. 

Pending these events Sherman and McDowell were inflamed 
with anger that such orders should be issued secretly, and not 
sent through the proper channel of communication. Such were 
some of the incidents of the attempt of Sheridan to punish the 
people of Louisiana who were "to the manner born," who owned 
the land, and paid nine-tenths of all the taxes, and who intel- 
lectually were his equal, and socially and in the amenities of life 
his superior in many respects. 

Time passed on. Election day came, and, had these States been 
recorded as the people had voted, the election would have been: 
For Tilden, 203; for Hayes, 166. But the election machinery 
in most of the Southern States was in Republican hands, and thus 
by Chandler's orders the States of Florida, Louisiana, and South 
Carolina could be counted out; and if this was done, R. B. Hayes 
would have 185 and S. J. Tilden 181. Now "who should count 
the votes" became the battle ground. For two months scheme 




JULIKS L. BROWN. 



Appendix. 365 

after scheme was proposed and rejected. More than once it 
was proposed to throw dice, and raffle off the presidency like 
"a good, fat turkey for Christmas," but this leaked out. One 
proposition after another again fell through, and at last Hayes 
won by trickery. Only the great desire for peace, and the mar- 
shaling of troops and concentrating naval vessels under the 
orders of President Grant prevented a clash of arms. \ 

Among the first acts of President Hayes was an order remov- 
ing the United States troops from New Orleans and Columbia, 
S. C, as the purpose for which they had been kept there had 
been accomplished. Those who are fond of reading low vil- 
lainy can find it written in the chronicles of Louisiana. 



Violation of Paroles. 

In connection with the violation of paroles I will incidentally 
mention that Gov. Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia — after the sur- 
render of Gen. R. E. Lee, and when Gen. J. H. Wilson was in 
Macon on his raid — went to Macon, and surrendered to Gen. 
Wilson himself and the militia in his command, and obtained 
his parole; thence he returned to Milledgeville. That same 
evening Gen. Wilson sent an officer and some troops to the res- 
idence of his excellency, took from him by force the parole that 
he had just given him, arrested him, took him to Macon; then 
sent him to Washington City, where he was imprisoned with 
most of the Southern Governors of the Confederate States. This 
gave rise to a peculiar decision on the validity of his and other 
paroles. See the following letter from the War Records, Serial 
No. 104, Page 836: 

Washington, May 19, 1865. 

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 

The inclosed makes it appear that Brown, of Georgia, surrendered the 
militia of that State and himself as commander in chief thereof to Gen. 
Wilson, and was paroled. If the call for the meeting of the Georgia Legis- 
lature was subsequent to the parole, I suppose there can be no doubt but 
that he stands liable to arrest for the violation of his parole; otherwise, is 
it not obligatory upon the government to observe their part of the conti-act? 
I would not advise authorizing him to go back to Georgia now under any 
circumstances; but I do not think a paroled officer is subject to arrest, so 
long as he observes his parole, without giving him notice first that he ia 
absolved from further observance of it. 

U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General. 



366 Two Wars. 

The inclosure referred to is probably Wilson to Stanton, May 
19, 4:20 p.m. Page 680. 

The wording of the parole given the army of Gen. R. E. Lee 
reads : 

The within named. , will not be disturbed by the United States au- 

thoi'ities so long as he observes his parole and the laws in force where he 
may reside. (From the War Records, Vol. 46. Part 3, page 853.) 

This opinion of Gen. Grant that an officer, who may be in 
command of an army or of a body of armed men, after the sur- 
render of his men and their arms, can, after "notice that he is 
absolved from further observance of it," be arrested is a flagrant 
breach of faith. 

Promise of protection is given to a man with arms in his 
hand, that if he will surrender them he shall have protection as 
long as he observes his parole. Is it just, right, or honorable 
after he has given up his arms to notify him that he is released 
from the observance of the parole, unless you first place him in 
the same condition he was before he surrendered his arms or his 
command? It is a deception and an outrage. In fact, I am un- 
able to comprehend how a soldier who surrenders himself, his 
men, and arms on parole can be released from and absolved from 
observance from it from any act or acts committed prior to its 
date in order to arrest him. Gov. Brown was denied the rights 
given him by his parole, and holding him a prisoner and not 
permitting him to go to his home in Georgia seems to be predi- 
cated upon the fear that he might do something in violation of 
a parole. 

The papers showed that the Governor was paroled by Gen. 
Wilson; then arrested the same day at his home in MiUedge- 
ville, and his parole taken from him by force. I presume that 
his parole was taken from him because some days previous to 
his surrender he had made a call for the Legislature to assem- 
ble. 

Joseph M. Brown, to whom 1 am indebted for much informa- 
tion that he obtained from Union soldiers through years of cor- 
respondence relative to the Georgia campaign, is a son of Gov. 
Joseph E. Brown, and a gentleman of high literary attainments. 
His elder brother, Julius L. Brown, now a distinguished lawyer 
in Atlanta, refused to leave the country to be educated in Europe. 
By a compromise he was sent to a military school in Athens, Ga. 



Appendix. oui 



The boys there took up arms, and formed a company to defend 
Athens. There Brown's first duty was to guard some Yankee 
prisoners. In 1864 he joined Company A in a battalion of cadets, 
L rendered good service in defense of Atlanta Thenc. his 
command went to Milledgeville, where, joining with other State 
forces and Wheeler's cavalry, they fought Sherman s advance at 
every river he crossed, and otherwise retarded his march to Sa- 
vannah. His battalion formed a part of the rear guard of Har- 
dee's army on the retreat from Savannah The last order is- 
sued by Confederate authority east of the Mississippi was to this 
battalion. (War Records, Serial 111, page 120.) 

Cassville. 
[From -Reminiscences of the War.- in the New Orleans Picayune.^ 
The recent appearance of Hughes's "Life of Gen. Joseph E. 
Johnston^ and the announcement of the .placing m ^the hands 
of the printers of a "Life of Gen. Leonidas Polk, by his son 
Dr William Folk, were the subject of a conversation recently 
am ong a few veterans of the Army of Tennessee, and some tacts 
were mentioned that are deemed of sufficient interest to be placed 
on record through the columns of your valued paper. 

To those who participated in the memorable campaign from 
Dalton to Atlanta under Joe Johnston, the failure to give bat- 
tle at Cassville is a most fertile source of discussion and regret 
and this was the point of conversation on which the group of 
talkers lingered the longest. 

The enthusiasm that swept through the army when the an- 
noimcement was made that it had reached the chosen battlefield 
possessed anew the hearts of these veterans; the cheers that 
went up from each command as "Old Joe's" ringing battle or- 
der was read to the troops reverberated again in their ears; the 
embers of their deep emotions of elation and disgust that so 
rapidly succeeded each other on that eventful day burned afresh 
within them for a while. And naturally the oft-debated ques- 
tion of the amount of blame attaching to Gen. Johnsto n s .sub- 
ordinates for this failure to fight came up as of old, ami the 
measure of it, if any, appertaining to Gen. Polk was stated as 
follows by one of the group, Maj. Douglas West, who, as adju- 
tant general, attended Gen. Polk on the night of the conference 



368 Two Wars. 

when Johnston felt compelled to forego the battle and retreat 
across the Etowah river. He said that after Polk's Corps had 
taken the position assigned to it on the left of Hood's Corps and 
in the rear of Cassville, Gen. S. G. French, one of the division 
generals of the corps, sent a message to Gen. Polk that his posi- 
tion was enfiladed, and that he could not hold it. 

Gen. Polk thereupon sent his inspector general, Col. Sevier, 
to ascertain about it. This officer reported back that in his 
opinion Gen. French was warranted in his apprehension. 

Gen. Polk requested Col. Sevier to proceed to Gen. Johnston's 
headquarters, and place the facts before him, which this officer 
did. 

Gen. Johnston was loath to believe in the impossibility of 
holding that part of the line; for, though exposed, it could be 
made tenable by building traverses, and retiring the troops some 
little to the rear. He instructed Col. Sevier to have Gen. French 
to build traverses. This general considered them useless, and 
persisted in his inability to hold his position. 

Col. Sevier reporting this back to Gen. Polk, in the absence of 
Capt. Walter J. Morris, engineer officer of Gen. Polk's Corps 
(off on some duty), the General sent Maj. Douglas West to the 
position of Gen. French's Division to have his opinion also, and 
to have him talk over the situation with this general. When 
Maj. West reached there, there was no tiring from the enemy, 
and he could not form an opinion in that way. However he 
conversed with Gen. French on the subject, and returned, re- 
porting Gen. French as highly wrought up about the exposure 
of his division. Gen. Polk then sent. Maj. West to Gen. John- 
ston to state the result of his visit to Gen. French's position, and 
Gen. Johnston reiterated his opinion about the feasibility of hold- 
ing the position with the use of traverses. 

Upon reporting back the remarks of Gen. Johnston, Maj. 
West found that Capt. Morris had reached Gen. Polk's head- 
quarters, and the captain in turn was sent to French's position 
to make a thorough survey and report of it. He made a very 
thorough one, and reported the position as very exposed for the 
defensive, but as admirable for the offensive. Gen. Polk, since 
the first report from Gen. French, appeared much annoyed at 
this unexpected weakness in his line, which, from the pertinaci- 
ty of Gen. French, was growing into an obstacle to the impend- 



Appendix. 369 

ing battle, for which Gen. Polk shared the enthusiasm and con- 
fidence of the troops. 

That evening about sunset Gen. Hood rode up to Gen. Polk's 
headquarters with Maj. Gen. French, and at his suggestion Gen. 
Johnston was asked to meet the three lieutenant generals at 
Polk's headquarters for the purpose of consulting that night on 
the situation. 

At the appointed hour Gens. Johnston, Hood, and Polk met at 
the latter's headquarters. Gen. Hardee was not present, he not 
having been found in time, after diligent search. Gen. Hood 
arrived at the rendezvous accompanied by Gen. French, whose 
division rested upon his left in the line of battle. Gen. Polk 
had not asked Gen. French, who was of his corps, to be present 
at headquarters for the occasion, and ( ien. Hood's action in bring- 
ing him was altogether gratuitous. Upon arriving with French. 
Gen. Hood excused his action by stating that he considered the 
situation so vital to himself and French that he had taken the 
liberty to ask Gen. French to come with him to the conference. 
After awaiting (ien. Hardee's arrival for a good while, Gens. 
Johnston, Poik, and Hood retired to the rough cabin house 
where Polk had established his headquarters, and Gen. French 
and the staff officers of the different generals remained outside, 
beyond earshot. 

It was past midnight when the meeting broke up and the gen- 
erals stepped out and called their escort and attending staff. 

Gen. Polk immediately instructed Maj. West to issue orders 
to his division generals to move as soon as guides would be fur- 
nished them. Capt. Morris was ordered to procure these im- 
mediately. Gen. Polk communicated detailed instructions, but 
appeared deeply absorbed. In silence everything was carried 
out, and the corps had taken up the march and moved some dis- 
tance before Maj. West was aware that the army was in retreat. 
He had been by the General's side or close in the rear of him 
from the moment of the termination of the conference, and the 
General had not spoken about it. Thus they had ridden a good 
while. The Major, respecting the General's silent mood, had not 
thought proper to inquire about the destination of the column. 
An officer of Gen. Hardee's staff, Capt. Thomas H. Hunt, was 
the first to inform Maj. West that the army was retreating be- 
cause Gen. Polk at the conference had insisted that he could not 
24 



370 Two Wars. 

hold his position in the line of battle selected by Johnston. 
Stung by this statement, Maj. West denied it emphatically, and 
as his informant insisted on its correctness, Maj. West rode up 
to Gen. Polk, and asked him where the column was marching 
to. , Gen. Polk said they were retreating to beyond the Etowah 
river. Maj. West then told him of the report that had reached 
him, and asked him if he was the cause of the abandonment of 
the intended battle at Cassville. Gen. Polk asked who had made 
the statement, and when told that it was a staff officer of Gen. 
Hardee, who also added that the impression prevailed along the 
column, and Maj. West asking that he be authorized to deny the 
report, Gen. Polk was silent for a moment, and then said to Maj. 
West: "To-morrow everything will be made as clear as day. ,1 

Gen. Polk never again spoke of this matter to the Major, al- 
though with him day and night during that long and terrible 
campaign, in which he lost his life at Pine Mountain on the 14th 
of July, 1864:; but the impression left upon his staff officers was 
that the failure to give battle at Cassville was not due to any 
representations made by Gen. Polk, but to the objections made 
by Lieut. Gen. Hood, the left of whose line joined French's Di- 
vision. 

Gen. Polk had so little confidence in the representations of 
the weakness of the line at the point referred to that he did not 
go there in person. 

But for Gen. Hood's invitation, Maj. Gen. French would not 
have been called to the conference, and consequently when Gen. 
Hood urged the untenability of his line, and supported it by 
bringing one of Polk\s division commanders (French) to con- 
firm him, although Polk's other division commanders (Loring 
and Walthall) ottered no objection, and in the absence of Lieut. 
Gen. Hardee, Gen. Polk could only reply upon the report of 
his chief topographical engineer, Capt. Morris, and Maj. Gen. 
French, and sustain Lieut. Gen. Hood in his opinion that the 
line could not be held after an attack. 

Gen. Polk was too noble and patriotic to care for his personal 
fame, and made no effort during his life to put himself proper- 
ly on record for his connection with the abandonment of the 
line at Cassville, for he was always ready to give battle or to 
take any responsibilities of his position. He fought for his 
cause, not for his reputation. 



Appendix. 371 

Another of this group of veterans had been of Hardee's Corps 
on that occasion. He recounted that his battery had been as- 
signed by "Old Joe" to an important post on Hardee's line, 
the angle at which the left flank deflected back. Vividly he de- 
scribed his position — the knoll upon which his guns were planted, 
the open fields around, that gave promise of great slaughter of 
the foe when he undertook to carry the point. This prospect, 
and the pride arising from the very danger of their post, stimu- 
lated the men in their labors of entrenching, which was neces- 
sary at this end of the line of battle, where there were none of 
the natural advantages the troops of Polk and Hood derived from 
the hills on which they were posted. But all worked with an en- 
ergy that arose to enthusiasm; for confidence in " Old Joe," con- 
fidence in the "Old Reliable," and confidence in themselves in- 
spired the men of this company as it did those of the whole corps. 
The redoubt was nearly completed when about two o'clock in the 
morning Capt. Sid Hardee, of Gen. Hardee's staff, rode up and 
ordered the work to cease and the battery made ready to move. 
This officer then stated that the intention to fight a battle there 
was abandoned; that Polk and Hood had insisted that they could 
not hold their position in the line. He added that Gen. Hardee 
had objected to the retreat, and had offered to change positions 
with either of the other corps rather than forego giving battle. 

In deep disappointment and disgust Hardee's men moved off, 
blaming Polk and Hood for compelling the abandonment of a 
field which seemed to be pregnant with a glorious victory. 

The impressions of that night had remained ineffaceable, and 
the unfought battle had been a deep source of regret during the 
war, and of deep interest since; so much so since that it had 
led to a correspondence between one of the officers of the com- 
pany and Gen. Johnston. One of Haedee's Corps. 

Reply of Gen. French to "Reminiscences of the War." 
Winter Park, Fla., December 12, 1893. 

Editor Picayune. 

A few days ago a friend sent me a copy of the Weekly Piea- 
llinn of October 26 last, containing an article headed "Reminis- 
cences of the War," that contains a number of errors, which I 
desire to correct so far as they relate to me, and I will refer to 
them in the order they are related in the paper. I quote: 



372 Two Wans. 

1. "After Polk's Corps had taken the position assigned to it 
on the left of Hood's Corps and in the rear of Cassville, Gen. S. 
G. French, one of the division generals of the corps, sent a re- 
port to Gen. Polk that his position was enfiladed and that he 
could not hold it." 

Any line can be enfiladed if the enemy be permitted, undis- 
turbed, to approach near enough and establish batteries on the pro- 
longation of that line. Therefore before any person can report a 
line enfiladed, the guns must be near enough to sweep it with shells. 
To report that a point near the center of a long line of battle 
cannot be held before the issue is made is mere conjecture, and 
not justifiable, and I have no recollection of having made such a 
report, and deem the writer is in error in his statement. A man 
would not cry out, "Help me, Cassius, or I sink," before enter- 
ing the water. 

2. The next assertion is that Gen. Polk "sent Col. Sevier to 
ascertain about it. and this officer reported back that, in his opin- 
ion, Gen. French was warranted in his apprehension. Gen. 
Polk thereupon requested Col. Sevier to proceed to Gen. John- 
ston's headquarters and place the facts before him, which that 
officer did. Gen. Johnston was loath to believe in the impossibili- 
ty of holding that part of the line, etc., . . . and instructed Col. 
Sevier to have Gen. French build traverses. This general consid- 
ered them useless, and persisted in his inability to hold the po- 
sition." 

In answer to this, I repeat that I have no recollection of hav- 
ing made to any human being the remarks here attributed to me. 
How, in the name of common sense, could any division officer re- 
port, much less persist, as stated? How would he know but 
that, if necessary during the battle, ample support would be sent 
him? I had one brigade and a half in reserve at that point of 
the line. As for traverses, I never heard them mentioned be- 
fore, in reference to this line. And now, after your writer has 
sent Col. Sevier to me twice, he sends to me Maj. West, and it 
u;i- lief ore any tiring had taken place, and he (West) could, very 
properly, "form no opinion unless he could witness the tire of 
the enemy's guns." West returned to Gen. Polk, reporting 
Gen. French highly wrought up about the exposure of his 
division, and Gen. Polk is made to send this officer likewise to 
hunt up Gen. Johnston, and after "reporting back the remarks 



Appendix. 373 

of Gen. Johnston, Maj. West found thatCapt. Morris had reached 
Gen. Polk's headquarters," and the Captain in turn "was 
sent to French's position to make a thorough survey and report 
of it." He made a very thorough one, and reported the position 
very exposed for the defensive, but as admirable for the offen- 
sive. 

I have Capt. Morris's report, but 1 do not find in it where he 
reported the line as admirable for the offensive. I will have oc- 
casion to refer to this report after a while. I merely wish to re- 
mark that when we find Capt. Morris at Col. Polk's headquar- 
ters we have something tangible in regard to time. 

3. And the article goes on to state that "Gen. Polk, since the 
lirst report from Gen. French, appeared much annoyed at this 
unexpected weakness in his line, which from the pertinacity of 
Gen. French was growing into an obstacle to the impending Wat- 
tle, for which Gen. Polk shared the enthusiasm and confidence 
of the troops." 

Now, contrast this with what the writer says farther on when 
he tells us: "Gen. Polk had so little confidence in the represen- 
tations of the weakness of his line at the point referred to that 
he did not go there in person. 11 

It is not always safe to divine what is passing through a man's 
mind from appearances, and, having "little confidence in the 
representations, 1 ' the deduction of "annoyance 1 ' may not be 
correct which is attributed to Gen. Polk. Now, inasmuch as 
Gen. Polk was present ( when Gen. F. A. Shoupe "pointed out the 
fact to Gen. Johnston that his line would be enfiladed before the 
troops were posted, and suggested a change of position) and 
strongly supported Shoupe\s objections," he must have been early 
apprised of the general condition of the line before he received 
the alleged report from me, which the writer explicitly affirms 
was sustained by Cols. Sevier, West, and Morris; hence the 
weakness of his line was not unexpected, and should not "have 
grown into an obstacle to the impending battle." Gen. Shoupe's 
letter will be found in Hood's book, page 105. 

4. In writing about the conference I find the account thus: 
"That evening about sunset Gen. Hood arrived at the rendez- 
vous, accompanied by Gen. French, whose division rested on his 
left in line of battle. Gen. Polk had not asked Gen. French — 
who was of his corps — to be present for the occasion, and Gen. 



374 Two Wars. 

Hood's action in bringing him was altogether gratuitous. On 
arriving with French, Gen. Hood excused his action by stating 
that he considered the situation so vital to himself and French 
that he had taken the liberty to ask Gen. French to come with 
him to the conference." 

This shows that Polk and Hood had decided (at a consultation 
in advance) to hold a conference before I went with Hood to the 
rendezvous, to which they invited Johnston. About my being 
there, I have this to say, and the facts are these: The little fir- 
ing that had taken place almost ceased awhile before dark; so. 
taking a staff officer with me, we went to our wagon to get din- 
ner, and while returning to my command we met Gen. Hood on 
his way to Gen. Johnston's. We halted, and while conversing 
he told me that his line was enfiladed by the batteries of the en- 
emy in position, and that he was going to see Gen. Johnston at 
Gen. Polk's, and asked me to ride with him to get supper, etc. 
His meeting me, therefore, was purely accidental, and this place 
where we met was near by Polk's quarters. 

So I went with him, socially, without any special object in 
view. He said nothing to me about a conference to be held on 
the situation, called by him and Gen. Polk. 

Soon after supper Gens. Johnston, Polk, and Hood went to 
Gen. Polk's office, and Gen. .Johnston asked me to go with them. 

The matter presented to the meeting was: "Can we win the 
battle on the morrow? Can we hold our line!'" Hood said he 
thought not, for if attacked in the morning he would not be able 
to hold his line, because it w T as enfiladed by the guns of the en- 
emy, now in position, and that Gen. Polk's line was also enfi- 
laded, and could not be held against a vigorous attack, or words 
to that effect. 

Gen. Polk confirmed Hood's statement in regard to his line. 
Gen. Johnston maintained the contrary. Of course I took no 
part in the discussion. When asked, I explained how my line 
curved, near the end, to the left, sufficient to be enfiladed by one 
battery on the extreme left of the enemy's line. I have no rec- 
ollection of being asked if I could hold my part of the line, but 
had the question been asked me, I am quite sure it would have 
been suppositively in the affirmative. 

As the whole includes all the parts, so, the discussion being on 
Polk's and Hood's lines in their entirety, the parts were embraced 



Appendix. 375 

therein, and not specifically referred to, being minor considera- 
tions. 

Gen. Johnston argued for the maintenance of his plans very 
firmly. When a silence occurred in the discussion, I arose and 
asked permission to leave, stating that I wished to go to my line 
and fortify it. On reaching my division, I set every one to w< >rk 
strengthening the line and getting ready for the impending bat- 
tle, that I felt sure would begin in the morning. While we were 
thus busily at work, and at about the hour of 11 p.m., an officer 
riding along my line stopped and told me that the work would 
be useless, and "intimated" (that is the word written in my 
diary ) ' ' that the army would be withdrawn or fall 1 >ack to-night !" 
Soon after, the order came to move back on the Cartersville road. 
The receipt of the order was a surprise to me, notwithstanding 
the intimation that had been made to me. 

5. Toward the conclusion of the article it reads: 

"Gen. Polk had so little confidence in the representations of 
the weakness of the line at the point referred to that he did not 
go there in person. But for Hood's invitation, Gen. French 
would not have been called to the conference, and, consequent- 
ly, when Gen. Hood urged the untenability of his line, and sup- 
ported it by bringing one of Polk's division commanders— French 
—to confirm him, Gen. Polk could only rely upon the report of 
his chief engineer— Capt. Morris— and Maj. Gen. French, and 
sustain Lieut. Gen. Hood in his opinion that the line could not 
be held after an attack." 

This paragraph is adroitly constructed, and apparently not in- 
tended to be clear. It first accuses Gen. Polk of having little 
confidence in the representations of Sevier, West, and French, 
as alleged to have been made to him; but when Gen. Hood brings 
French to the conference, his testimony is so potent as to make 
Polk change his opinions and sustain Hood, who urged the un- 
tenability of his (Polk's) line. 

This is all wrong. Hood did not take me to the conference. 
I did not support or confirm Hood in his representations. I have 
never said I could not hold my part of the line, and it would 
have been presumption to do so. The commanding general 
would see that the line at that point was defended. 

This paragraph also represents Gen. Polk as going to the con- 
ference apparently prepared to defend his line; but when he lis- 



376 Two Wars. 

tens to Hood's arguments he changes his mind and sustains 
Hood; and thus, with two of his corps commanders opposed to 
defending their lines, Johnston deemed it better to decline the 
impending battle. 

6. On page 110 in Hood's book you will find the beginning of 
a letter from Capt. W. J. Morris, Gen. Polk's chief engineer, 
from which I will make some quotations, abbreviating them as 
much as possible. He says he arrived at Cassville station 
about 3:30 or 4 p.m., May 19, 1864. Col. Gale was there to 
meet him and to tell him that Gen. Polk wanted to see him as 
soon as he arrived. He had half a mile to go to Polk's quar- 
ters. He met Gen. Polk at the door. He says it took him about 
half an hour to examine a map that Polk placed before him and 
make notes of the General's wishes, and fifteen minutes to ride 
from Polk's headquarters to the line that was reported to be en- 
ti laded. When he left Polk's headquarters he thinks Gen. Hood 
was there. It took him about two hours to examine the lines, 
angles, elevations, and positions of the batteries of the enemy 
established on their line in front of Hood, and his opinion and 
conclusions were: 

w * ( 1) That the right of the line of Polk's command could not 
beheld. ( 2 ) That traverses would be of no avail, etc. (3) That 
it was extremely hazardous for Gen. Polk to advance his line 
to make an attack upon the enemy while the batteries held the 
positions they then occupied." 

'"Having made the reconnoissance, he returned to Gen. Polk's 
headquarters just after dark. (Jen. Polk immediately sent for 
Gen. Johnston. (Jen. Hood was at Gen. Polk's." 

You will thus perceive that the conference to be held was de- 
termined on between Polk and Hood, before Morris made his 
report to Polk, because Hood was already there, for I rode with 
him to the "rendezvous." 

7. On the 8th of May, 1874, Gen. Hood wrote me a letter to 
know what I knew about the "vexed question" of retiring from 
Cassville. He had forgotten that he had met me in the road; 
that he had invited me to ride with him to see Gen. .Johnston, 
or that I was at the conference, and said he ""only learned that 
I was at the conference from Johnston's narrative," etc. 

I answered his letter from New York, where I then was, from 
recollection, without reference to my diary. I have both his 



Appendix. 377 

letter and my answer. Gen. Hood and I had talked this matter 
over at length at the Allegheny Springs, Va. , in the summer of 
1872, differing, however, about not remaining at Cassville and 
the defensive strength of the lines. 

8. Without endeavoring to recall to mind pictures of scenes 
through the mist of thirty years in the past, or to revive recol- 
lections of words used in the long, long ago, I will refer to my 
diary, and what was written day by day therein. 

After we had formed a line of battle east of Cassville, and ma- 
neuvered with Hood with a view to attacking the enemy, our 
troops began in the afternoon to fall back to a line of hills south 
of Cassville. Cockrell's Brigade, that was in reserve, had been 
ordered to a hill there early. The diary says: "I received or- 
ders at 4 p.m. to fall back from the line east of Cassville and 
form behind the division of Gen. Canty and Cockrell's Brigade, 
which I did. As there was an interval between Hood's line 
(Hindnian) and Canty, I placed there, in position, Hoskins's 
Battery and the half of Ector's Brigade. This left Sears's Bri- 
gade and the half of Ector's in reserve, Cockrell being on Canty's 
left in line. 

"About 5 P.M. our pickets from the extreme front were driven 
in toward the second line by the enemy's cavalry. Hoskins's 
Battery opened on them and checked the advance. About 5:30 
p.m. the enemy got their batteries in position and opened fire on 
my line. One battery on my right enfiladed a part of my line." 
The diary then refers to my going to dinner, meeting Gen. 
Hood and riding with him over to Gen. Polk's, leaving the con- 
ference, believing we would tight, etc. 

9. We are now, Mr. Editor, getting beyond the hypothetical, 
for we have determined certain facts pretty accurately — viz. : 

The hour I received the order to fall back from east of Cass- 
ville, the time our skirmishers were driven in, and when the 
tiring commenced; also the hour that Capt. Morris arrived. 

Capt. Morris declares that he arrived between 3 : 30 and 
4 p.m. If he be correct, I was at that time with my troops 
east of Cassville, and it is certain no report could have been 
made by me until after the enemy's artillery commenced tiring. 
Now mark what is declared to have taken place after the al- 
leged report was said to have been received by Gen. Polk. 

It would take an officer certainly fifteen minutes to ride from 



378 Two Wars. 

Polk's headquarters to Hoskins's Battery — a mile and a half dis- 
tant — examine the lines, the position of the enemy, the effects of 
the tire, and discuss the situation; then the same length of time 
to return to Gen. Polk and confer with him. Then it would re- 
quire the same length of time to go in quest of Gen. Johnston, 
report to him and explain the situation of affairs minutely; then 
to return to Gen. Polk and report it to him; then to come to my 
line a second time, and return to Gen. Polk. These two trips 
to my line and one to Gen. Johnston would have occupied one 
hour and a half. Next Maj. West received instructions to go 
and examine the line, and as there was no tiring, he could form 
no opinion, but only talk with me. Then he went back to Gen. 
Polk and made his report; thence he too was ordered to go in 
quest of Gen. Johnston, and found him somewhere, reported 
to him. and returned. This would have required about one 
hour. So the line from Polk's to my extreme right was ridden 
over six times, examined and discussed, and four times from 
Gen. Polk's to where Gen. Johnston was, consuming not less 
than two hours and a half. Capt. Morris was not yet at Gen. 
Polk's quarters when Maj. West went in quest of Gen. John- 
ston, but he found he had arrived when he returned from Gen. 
Johnston's. 

Now. it is plain that, if my alleged report to Gen. Polk put 
all this in motion, it must have been received by him at 1:30 
p.m., because we know that it terminated soon after the arrival 
of Capt. Morris at Polk's quarters at 4 p.m. Soon after this 
Capt. Morris was ordered down to examine the line, which he 
did. and we have his report. 

The question of time may be determined in another way: If 1 
sent a report to Gen. Polk, it was carried a mile and a half to 
him by courier. Next, consider Col. Sevier and Maj. West in 
the light of one person. That person must have traveled about 
thirteen miles, received seven separate sets of instructions from 
Gens. Polk and Johnston, made live carefully matured reports on 
the situation, and what was said by me and Gen. Johnston, and 
made at least two careful examinations of our line, noted the po- 
sition of the euemy, watched the tiring and noted the effect of 
the same, and it could not physically have been performed under 
two hours and a half; and yet your published article says that it 
was all performed during the interval between receiving my re- 



Appendix. 379 

port and the departure of Morris to make his survey, which was 
about 4 p.m. 

If I made a report, as stated, it was done after the firing com- 
menced, and hence it must have been dark when Maj. West re- 
turned from his interview with Gen. Johnston. 

The conclusion, therefore, must be that from the length of 
time the writer's, or relator's, memory has failed to recall events 
as they were thirty years ago. 

There was only a small part of my line enfiladed, and that was 
caused by its curving to the left near the ravine, where Hoskins's 
Battery was. 

If Hood's line was enfiladed, I did not discover it, and Capt. 
Morris's plan, published in the War Records (plate 62), would be 
faulty, for the enemy's line is nearly parallel with his. To con- 
clude, I have shown that if all this passing to and fro of officers 
took place between me and Gen. Polk, and between Polk and 
Johnston, it must have commenced about 1:30 p.m., to have 
have ended at 4 p.m., which could not be, for I was then east of 
Cassville. On the other hand, if a report was carried to Gen. 
Polk about my line being enfiladed, it must have been done after 
5:30 p.m.; and this going to and fro, with examinations and dis- 
cussions, could not have been accomplished before 8 p.m., where- 
as it is stated to have been done before Capt. Morris left Polk's 
headquarters, at 4:30 p.m., either of which is incredible. 

Very respectfully, S. G. French. 

P. S. — The result of the two hours' shelling of my line in cas- 
ualties was one officer and nine men wounded — none killed. 
Horses, three killed. A small matter to create any apprehen- 
sion, as described in your article. The order placing me in com- 
mand of Canty's Division has no hour date. 

Your readers will perceive that it was not I who influenced 
Gen. Polk in this affair. In fact, I was in reserve and had no 
troops in line of battle except Cockrell's Brigade — and that was 
about the center of the line — until I was ordered to take com- 
mand of Canty's Division. How absurd, then, all this rigma- 
role about my saying I could not hold my line, and my testimo- 
ny influencing Gen. Polk. S. G. F. 

From the foregoing papers it is evident that I was left alone 
east of the village of Cassville. After Gen. Johnston had placed 



380 Tiro Wars. 

the troops of his right wing in position, an order was sent, and 
received by me at 4 p. m. , directing me to fall back and form my 
troops in the rear of CockrelPs Brigade and Canty's Division. 
This put my division in reserve, except CockrelFs Brigade, which 
was on Canty's left. Thus I found myself in reserve in rear of the 
the line of battle. This could not have been done before 4:30 
p.m. Now, could I report that I could not hold my line when I 
had none, or only one brigade, and that in the center of a line 
of battle several miles in length! 1 However, soon an order was 
received (without an hour date) for me to take command of 
Canty's Division, and to put or leave Cockrell's Brigade in Lor- 
ing's Division. I was now in command of two divisions, less one 
brigade. 

On going to the right of Canty's Division, I found a gap, a dry 
water gully, and its approaches unoccupied. From necessity I 
had to take a part of a brigade (Ector's), so as to connect with 
Hood's left. Then Hbskins's Battery was put in position about 
fifty yards in advance on an eminence in front of a gap. Soon 
the enemy's cavalry appeared in front of the gap, and were dis- 
persed by the tire of Hoskins's guns. The enemy now began to 
establish their batteries on the ridge in front of Hood's line es- 
pecially near his right, and soon they opened tire on Hoskins's 
Battery. About sunset the tire slackened, when Maj. Shingleur, 
of my staff, and I went to our wagon in the rear to get our din- 
ner. Up to this time I heard never a word about not holding the 
line. I knew nothing about horsemen or couriers or aids dash- 
ing about hunting Gens. Johnston and Polk and me on the line, 
and I never heard it mentioned until I read it in the newspaper 
sent to me one month after it was published, and thirty years 
after we left Cassville. 

It was perhaps 2 p.m. when Gen. Johnston lost all hope that 
Hood, with the two corps as his command, would engage the de- 
tached forces of the enemy marching to our right, and crush 
them before Sherman could aid them. So no alternative was 
left him but to form a line of battle on selected ground, and act 
on the defensive. What followed after this has been already 
sketched. 

I am sorry this article, so replete with errors, was ever pub- 
lished on account of Gen. Polk — a noble, kind-hearted man, ever 
practicing the amenities of life -for it makes him appear rather 



Appendix. 381 

contumacious in joining Gen. Hood, and making arrangements 
to invite their commander to meet them at their "rendezvous" 
to listen to their complaints, and almost dictating what should 
be done after the failure of the contemplated morning attack. 
The writer was evidently aware that both Hood and Polk were 
almost disobedient in their acts at Cassville. 

Thirty years had rolled by, and the incidents were almost for- 
gotten, when this writer, to smooth the matter over, maladroit- 
ly seizes the fact that I went with Hood to Polk's headquarters, 
and tries to make it appear that I had influenced Gen. Polk by 
representations to change his opinion, and join Hood in the 
statement that their lines were untenable. I never saw Gen. 
Polk after he left the position east of Cassville until I met him 
at his quarters where I went to supper, and I do not remember 
ever sending a message or report to him that day. 

He says: "Gen. Polk was too noble and patriotic to care for 
his personal fame, and made no effort during his life to put him- 
self properly on record for his connection with the abandonment 
of the line at Cassville, for he was always ready to give battle 
or take any responsibilities of his position. He fought for his 
cause, and not for his reputation." 

The writer did not even know that I was present at the coun- 
cil of the commanders, and heard both Hood and Polk give their 
opinions on their side, and Johnston on the other. Therefore, 
as I differed from both Hood and Polk, I could not have influ- 
enced Gen. Polk to "sustain Gen. Hood.' 1 Furthermore, in jus- 
tice to myself and for the truth of history, I desire to correct the 
many erroneous statements made in the article published. Be- 
cause a line is enfiladed it does not follow that it cannot be held. 
During the battle of Atlanta twice I was obliged to hold enfiladed 
lines nearly an entire day. Gen. Polk did not examine his line 
of battle after my division arrived. It is the duty of a soldier 
to obey an order, and not to discuss it, and any soldier who be- 
fore a battle commences reports that he cannot hold a position 
when a whole army is drawn up should be relieved from com- 
mand. 

Jackson, Miss., January 15, 1894. 

Gen. S. G. French, Winter Park, Fin. 

My Dear General: I have read carefully your letter of the 8th instant; 
also the newspaper article, " Vox Populi," and find your statement in this 



382 Two Wars. 

article perfectly correct. I was the staff officer who accompanied you to 
Gen. Polk's headquarters. . . . Hood said that he would ride with 
you to Polk*s headquarters, as he was to meet Gen. Johnston there. . . . 
We rode along leisurely, you and Hood in front, myself and one or two of 
Hood's staff in the rear. This was possibly an hour after dark. Arriving at 
Gen. Polk's, we found there, besides Gen. Polk, Gens. Johnston and Har- 
dee. [This is an error. Neither was there when we arrived. — S. G. F.] 

Of what happened at the consultation room of course I know nothing. 
I am sure that you came from the room between 10 and 11 o'clock, fol- 
lowed by Gen. Johnston, who, standing on the steps, told you when you 
went back to your command to have the word passed through your di- 
vision that we would tight in the morning, and prepare for it. . . . 

About 1 a.m. I was waked up by some one inquiring for Gen. French's 
headquarters. ... A courier said that he had an order for you, which 
we read by making a light. It was the order for us to move, with instruc- 
tions to leave a few men at the breastworks to hammer and make a noise 
to conceal our retreat. I am sure this order fell upon us like a bomb- 
shell. 

If you uttered a word about having a position that you could not hold. 
I never heard of it: and if you had thought so. I am sure that you would 
have mentioned it to me. On the other hand, I remember clearly that we 
discussed the situation, and both concluded that we held a very strong po- 
sition, and could hold it against all odds. . . . 

Now all this Cassville affair is as clear to my mind as on the night that 
it happened. There is no doubt upon my mind that Gen. Hood, and he 
alone, was responsible for our retreat from Cassville. It is all a mistake 
about French and all staff officers being sent beyond earshot. . . . When 
we left Gen. Polk's headquarters you and I went alone. Hood remained 
I hope you will be able to put this matter right, and let the responsibility 
rest where it properly belongs. 

Very glad to hear from yon. With best wishes, etc. 

Yours very truly. J. A. Shinglei i:. 



Savannah. August 8, 1874. 

Gen. S. (.. French. 

Bear General: Long absence prevented my receiving and acknowledg- 
ing your very clear and satisfactory reply to my question on the subject oi 
small arms. It is all that I could desire. I wish only to meet such of Hood's 
assertions as impugn the truth of my statements. If he goes on, and I un- 
derstand that he intends to do so. I shall avail myself of your kind offer. 

Can you not sometimes take Savannah in your way from Mississippi 
to New York, and vice versa"? It would be very pleasant to me to see you 
in my house, where there is always ample room for you and cordial wel- 
come. 

Yours truly. J. E. Johns ion. 



Appendix. 383 

Savannah. June 13, 1874. 

Gen. S. G. French. 

Dear G( m rah You may have observed that Gen. Hood has renewed his 
attacks on me in his report of 1865. His last shot is in the form of a letter 
signed by poor old Oladowski. the ordnance officer, in which it is asserted 
that the army lost 19,000 small arms in the part of the campaign in which 
I commanded. As I have no ordnance returns. 1 can only refute this cal- 
umny by the testimony of the most prominent officers, and in that con- 
nection beg you to write me (for publication) about the number of muskets 
your division lost in the campaign, if any. Certainly the enemy took 
none, for you never failed to hold the ground intrusted to you. You 
probably have some idea of the probable losses of arms by your corps, or 
if it had any losses. And can you say. perhaps, if those losses could have 
been great enough to correspond with Col. Oladowski's statement'.' You 
will oblige me very much by giving me whatever information you can in 
relation to this matter. 

Very truly yours, J- E. Johnston. 



Slavery Proclamation and Confiscation Act. 

The act of confiscation, and the President's proclamation set- 
ting free the slaves in the Confederacy, could not abolish slav- 
ery, because it existed under the laws of the States. It altered 
no State law, but it did affect slavery in this way: it caused 
many slaves to leave their owners, and thus diminished their 
property and their wealth, but they could buy others under 
the law. 

The President has no legislative power; he cannot declare mar- 
tial law, for it overthrows the constitution, and his will would 
become the law: how can the President, an executive officer, 
nullify laws and condemn and punish at his pleasure? 

The great latent power in the constitution is, in Art. I., Sec. 
8, to provide for the common defense and general welfare. Un- 
der this section almost all the outrages of the war were commit- 
ted, restrained only by international rules of war: but these 
were utterly ignored under the plea that this war is only a re- 
bellion, a family affair. Under this article resides the power to 
imposes taxes to any amount for the common defense and public 
welfare. 

The confiscation act of Congress was declared by the United 
States Supreme Court to be unconstitutional, and. in truth, it was 
passed as a punishment against the " rebels,' 1 without an indict- 
ment, trial, or conviction. The constitution declares that the 



384 Two Wars. 

trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by 
jury. 

As the slave owners were called the only privileged class in 
the United States, it is pertinent to inquire if they did not exist 
in all the States when the Union was formed, and if the North 
did not sell their title to be yet a privileged class for a mess of 
pottage; and then howled at the purchasers for being a privi- 
leged people! 

Who demanded the continual enlargement of slavery by mak- 
ing it legal to steal or purchase negroes from Africa until the 
year 18<KS, to give employment to the six hundred slave ships 
owned in the North? for the statement is that toward the close 
of the slave trade there were about that number belonging to 
New England and New York engaged in that pious enterprise. 
We know the town of Newport, R. I., had one hundred and sev- 
enty ships employed in this money-making trade in the year 
L750, and undoubtedly the number increased largely in after 
years, when made legal; so, on the whole, no doubt six hundred 
ships were in the trade. 

The question here presents itself — and it is a proper one to ask 
— who first owned these slaves; how did they obtain them; how 
did they treat them; and to whom did they sell these human be- 
ings for money; and then, with the price of blood in their 
pockets, begin to preach against the sin of slavery? Ye hypo- 
crites! who thank God "we are not slave owners, we got rid of 
them long ago.*' 

•It has been said by a Northern writer that "indirectly, and for 
^he purpose of a more equal distribution of direct taxes, the 
framers of the constitution tolerated while they condemned 
slavery; but they tolerated it because they believed it would soon 
disappear. They even refused to allow the charter of their own 
liberties to be polluted by the mention of the word slav< .' but 
take heed, did not this convention give way to the clamor of the 
owners of slave ships to continue for twenty years the increase 
of slavery? They could not. consistently with honor or self-re- 
spect, transmit to future ages the evidence that some of them 
had trampled upon the inalienable rights of others." 

"Though slavery was thus tolerated by being ignored, we 
should not dishonor the memory of those who organized the gov- 
ernment to suppose that they did intend to bestow upon it the 



Appendix. 385 

power to maintain its own authority, the right to overthrow or 
remove shivery or whatever might prove fatal to its permanence 
or destroy its usefulness." 

The answer is: Yes, but not by making war and laying waste 
the country; burning dwellings, public buildings, towns; sink- 
ing shipping, blockades; capturing, killing, imprisoning inno- 
cenl people; nor by creating enormous debts, nor yet by cruel 
war, but by removing the evil by compensation "for the term 
of servict " of the slaves to their owners. 

The government is under obligation to compensate parents, 
masters of apprentices, masters of slaves for loss of service and 
labor of their subjects who are enlisted in the army and navy. 
for the constitution recognizes slaves as "persons held to labor 
or service." 

England compelled the abolition of slavery in her colonies, 
and she paid in compensation to the slave owners one hundred 
million dollars. Out of this, the Cape Colony, in Africa, ob- 
tained fifteen million dollars, which was about four hundred dol- 
lars per slave. 

If, then, slavery was believed to be fatal to the permanence 
of the constitution, it could have been abolished as it was in 
England, or in some equitable way without the clash of arms. 



Indenture. 

This indenture is here presented for no other purpose than to 
evidence the mode of manumitting slaves by the Abolition So- 
ciety in the City of Brotherly Love about four years after the 
constitution of the United States was framed. 

From this instrument of writing it appears that "Betty" was 
set free (so called) on the 14th of September, 1792, on condi- 
tion that she should become a bond servant by contract for seven 
years. Her signature to the indenture (original) is made on 
the left-hand corner, and not covered by the photograph. 

From the wording () f her indenture to her master Bordley. it 
would appear that verily her second condition was worse than her 
first, and her last worse than all; for in her fifty-seventh year 
she was to be turned adrift in her old age, possessed of only two 
suits of apparel — "one of which is to be new" — to struggle with 
adversity. She was now, however, free to play cards and dice. 
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Appendix. 387 

go to alehouses, taverns, and playhouses, and dance and contract 
marriage, etc. 

It would be interesting to know how she passed the remain- 
ing years of her life. That is buried in oblivion. Had she re- 
mained a slave — "held to a service of labor," which was her first 
condition — she would have had a home for life. To depend on 
the benevolence of the Northern people was to be in a worse 
condition than that of a slave, for the slave did know that he 
had a friend and a home for life. 

How little is known, even at this day, at the North of the gen- 
eral relation between the owner and the slave in the latter days 
of slavery's existence! and I hope it will not shock the sensibil- 
ity or puritanical feelings of ye scribes and Pharisees when I 
state that in the family graveyard near Columbus, Ga., where 
my wife's father and mother and some of her brothers and sis- 
ters rest, there repose the remains of their Aunt Betty, who 
nursed all the children of the family. She was, in name, a slave; 
in reality, she had all the privileges of a member of the family, 
and when she died the children declared she should sleep beside 
them in death, as she had lived with them in life and would 
rise with them at the resurrection. 

I could tell where a slave, after her 'death, was carried near 
fifty miles to sleep in the family graveyard, with her master and 
mistress, who had preceded her to the sacred spot where dust 
returns to dust. These, and other instances I know, speak of 
kind feelings, and are significant of the ties that existed between 
the master and the slave; and this intimacy between master and 
slave, and almost companionship of children and servant, were 
more common than any harsh behavior toward them. A man 
who abused a slave was held in contempt, and was, I suppose, 
shunned by his neighbors. 1 had no experience with such men. 
Once the overseer on our place was going to punish a man for 
persisting in annoying another. The alleged offender sent for 
me. and I investigated the case. He was charged with being too 
gallant with another man's wife, an accusation very prevalent in 
high society now. when my lady can get a divorce in the morn- 
ing and marry her admirer in the evening, or the husband do so, 
as the case may be. No punishment was given the negro in this 
matter, for the want of evidence; and I here state that no whip- 
ping of a negro ever occurred on the plantation. 



388 Two ir.i/,'.s\ 

The difference between the wage earner and the slave is. the 
right to clniiKj, residence. The former, with his family of wife 
and children, is too often, for want of means, unable to avail 
himself of his right, and is therefore practically on a level in 
this respect with the bondsman, and he becomes reduced to the 
slavery of wages, which in this age — howling for wealth — be- 
come^ a pitiful condition, from which lie seeks relief in strikes, 
so often in vain. lie cannot succeed against the money power 
of the great trusts and monopolies, the power of the State and 
military interference of the United States forces; so in the end 
he is only steeped deeper in poverty. From all this the slave 
was free and happy, if his laughter, song, and dance indicate 
contentment. 

I do dislike egotism, and yet to establish the fact that slaves 
did possess the power to change masters and homes — and you 
will admit that practical experience is better than any theory 
I will tell you plainly what occurred to me touching this matter. 

As administrator of an estate where the land and servants had 
to he sold, the heads of the families were given notice, months in 
advance, that they could visit or otherwise see the owners of the 
neighboring plantations and other persons with whom they 
would like to live, and induce them to buy the family at the sale: 
and when the sale was made I think all had selected homes. In 
this case, at the sales many were informed that they would he 
hid in by the heirs. I never knew a family to he separated. 

I believe it was in the autumn of L856 1 wished to obtain a 
good cook, and went to New Orleans. Beard & May, cotton 
brokers, informed me that the German Vice Consul was going 
home, and had the best cook in the city. I called on Mr. Kock 
at his office, and he gave me a note to his wife, stating the ob- 
ject of my calling. Madame sent for the cook, and she came 
into the drawing room and was introduced to me, and my busi- 
ness made known to her. She was a fine-looking woman. She 
asked me the usual questions— such as "Biddy" in the intelli- 
gence office asks persons in quest of a cook- about where I lived, 
number in the family, if there was a church near by, nearesl 
town, etc. Obtaining the desired information, she told her mis- 
tress she did not wish to leave the city, and she was directed to 
retire. Mrs. Kock said she wished the servant to be satisfied 
with her new home. etc. 



Appesdix. 389 

Next Beard & May sent me to a French family. Madame 
came in. and sent for the doois me wished to sell. This one 
varied the questions, -he asked even as to hot dinners on Sun- 
days, and then she said she would not like to live on a planta- 
tion: and so the visit was fruitless. Then Beard tNc May told 
me to question the servants they held for sale, and there I found 
a woman about thirty years old. of fine personal appearance, who 
was willing to accept a position in the country, and I bought her. 

A few days after, Beard& May called on me and said my cook, 
Maria, wanted to see me: so I went to her. and she then told me 
she wished I would buy her husband Jim. 1 expressed my dis- 
pleasure that she had not told me she was married before I 
bought her. However. I bought Jim to satisfy her. and took 
them both home with me. Maria was installed in the kitchen, 
and proved to be a good cook. Jim had charge of the horses, etc. 
At the beginning of summer we went North. Jim was put to 
work in the field. He soon ran away, stayed in the woods by 
day. came home often at nighty and told the overseer that he 
would come home when 1 did. When we returned in the autumn, 
Jim came to see me and explained that he had never worked in 
the field: so he worked again at the stables and ginhouses. 1 
now learned that Maria and Jim had never been married. When 
spring came. I told Jim I would take him back to New Orleans. 
and he was willing to go. I left him with Beard & May to be 
sold. When we returned in the fall Jim had not been sold. In 
the winter I visited New Orleans. The steamer arrived during 
the night. In the morning as 1 was going on shore I saw a 
number of tine hacks on the levee awaiting passengers; among- 
them the driver of a line carriage cried out: "0 Master Sam. 
here is your carriage; ride with me. Don't you know Jim? 
Mighty glad to see you, Master Sam." He drove me to the St. 
Charles Hotel. Soon Jim came to see me, and I told him if he 
did not find a home for himself before I left the city I Avould 
have him sold to some one out in the country without consulting 
him. The result was, Jim got the owner of the livery stable to 
buy him, and that was the last I saw of Jim. No one would 
purchase Jim because he told every one who wanted him, "If 
you buy me, I will run away;'* and so he hired himself out for 
about nine months, at twenty dollars per month, as a hack driver, 
which supported himself free of expense to me. 




\ 1 p 



I 



y&tea*** > 



I ^ ^(^''f/ ??- 







# 



Appendix. 391 

And now about Maria: In the spring she got in the habit of 
having fits, and would foam at the mouth, and the old cook would 
have to come over. This continued over two weeks. 

One morning I saw my neighbor Courtney riding up to my 
gate rather rapidly. He was excited and said: "Capt. French, 
I want you to buy my man Parker or sell me Maria." Parker 
had the main charge of some one hundred and thirty servants on 
Courtney's place. As I had no use for Parker, I would not en- 
tertain buying him, and replied that I would sell him Maria. 
When he became more composed, he told me that "Parker had 
become stupid, thoughtless, and could not remember what was 
told him, and when I called him to account he informed me that 
he was so much in love with Maria that his mind was all 'up- 
sot,' but if I would only buy Maria he would be so happy, and 
be the best hand on the place if she were his wife." And so 
Maria became Parker's wife, and never feigned having tits any 
more. Marriage cured them. Her tits were all "put on" to 
get a new home at Courtney's. 

I was now quite tired and wearied with cooks, but neverthe- 
less, being in New Orleans, I made another venture. Beard & 
May said they had a good cook. She was a woman of about 
twenty, with a jolly round face, and said she was a tine cook, 
and I bought her. Her name was something like Amanda, as I 
remember it. She was a willing, good-natured creature, but so 
careless that half the dishes were spoiled; so during the sum- 
mer I took her to New Orleans and left her with Beard & May 
(early in the morning), then drove to the hotel. I had finished 
my breakfast and was smoking in the rotunda, when I saw 
Amanda approaching, accompanied by a tall, elderly gentleman, 
to whom I was introduced, naming him "my new master." He 
was from one of the parishes of the State. He asked me some 
questions about his new servant, and said he thought her a good 
cook, and honest, from what she told him. He apologized for 
the early call, as he had to leave on the morning steamboat. 
Bidding Amanda good-by, I concluded to abide with our old 
cook again. 

I have briefly sketched these, some of my experiences with 
slaves, to establish the fact that bondsmen on the Mississippi did 
have the privilege of selecting very often the persons with whom 
they wished to live, as well as the place, which is by poverty de- 



392 . Two Wars. 

nied the poor white men when in the iron grip of the rich cor- 
porations, where they are held by the relentless "slavery of 
wages.' 1 

A man acting for himself and in the interest of his family 
must have feelings of humanity for his servants. Their wel- 
fare and happiness are indissolubly linked with his, aside from 
his accountability for his ads to his God. Corporations have 
no souls, and no God to worship except Mammon. They have 
no ear for the misfortunes or ills of an employee, no physician 
for sickness, no priest for the dying, nor coffin for the dead. 
All these the slave has. 

Truly the relentless thirst for gold over the road to wealth 
crushes to death like a worm the poor laborer beneath its tread. 
There is no provision in the charter of a trust company for care 
of life or soul of a laborer, and his condition is disguised in the 
(unknown to him) glorious privileges of independence, liberty, 
and freedom. What a mockery are all these human rights to a 
family perishing in a hut by a coal mine for want of clothing 
and food, with no ministering hand! And yet all the wealth in 
the world was obtained from the earth by the miner and farmer. 

(iod in the beginning proclaimed the relations and the obli- 
gations between master and bond servant in Holy Writ, and he 
will judo-e them by their deeds; but God hath not. nor hath 
man defined the humanities inseparable between a trust com- 
pany and its employee, except by injunctions and courts and 
bayonet rule. 

Bad as it is. some may he inclined to believe that Betty, under 
her indenture, had more privilege and enjoyment than most of 
the white laborers in the employment of many monopolies. 

In connection with this indenture is presented the picture of 
the Kev. Henry Ward Beeeher selling slaves on his theatrical 
pulpit stage in Plymouth Church. Brooklyn, to raise money, and 
tire the Northern hearts against the South. 

The audience is Large, and their countenances express delight 
at this fine scene of buffoonery, which was then considered wu. of 
thi "eight great personal events of the nineteenth century" and 
hence worthy of preservation. When passion shall have sub- 
sided, and calm judgment presides, il will perhaps he regarded 
.-.- an act of charlatanry unworthy of so greal a man. These 
great personal events are said to he: 



Appendix. 



393 



When Jenny Lind sung in Castle Garden. 

When Henry Ward Beecher sold slaves in Plymouth pulpit. 

'When the Prince of Wales was in America. 

When Henry Clay hade farewell to the Senate. 

When Grant went around the world. 

When Lincoln was first inaugurated. 

When Kossuth rode up Broadway. 

When Mackay struck the great bonanza. 

I regarded Mr. Beecher an orator, and have listened to his 
discourses on theology to his congregation with admiration; but 
his attacks on slavery were made perhaps with as little knowledge 




of the condition of the bondsmen as that distinguished kinswom- 
an of his, Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, has shown in her ideal 
novel,''' Uncle Tom's Cabin." They produced a diseased state 
of public sentiment, and Demos, turned loose, strained the ties 
of love and kindred relations that bound the States by the com- 
pact, and precipitated secession and war on the South. 

If slavery be considered a wrong, and no doubt it was. then, 
in justice to all concerned in its establishment in the United 
States and to the condition of the slaves in 1S61 and the means 
resorted to for their liberation, it becomes a matter of impartial 
consideration, and when that day comes, the South will stand 
before the world vindicated, and the verdict will be both parties 
guilty, as will be shown hereafter. 

Slavery was only made possible by bringing in ships negroes 
from Africa; and that was mainly done by the people of Old 
England, New England, and New York City. They were large 



394 Two Wars. 

ship owners. They sent their vessels for slaves, and obtained 
them by theft, by capturing them in the midnight glare of burn- 
ing villages, or by purchase. They owned them all. They were 
indeed inhuman slave dealers. They sold some of them to all 
the thirteen colonies, and to the several States formed of them 
under the constitution, and they continued this slave trade legal- 
ly until 1808, and illegally until 1862. (See "American Slave 
Trade," by J. R. Spears. ) 

In Old England the question of slavery was discussed calmly, 
with justice and common sense, and they arrived at an equita- 
ble decision — viz., that the government should compensate the 
owners for their property rights in persons held to labor or (in 
language undisguised) in slaves, and, as I have already stated, 
$100,000,000 was appropriated to purchase them and set them 
free, an act of justice to the owners. 

In this land of freedom the pious people of the North (I speak 
plainly) sold their slaves to the planters in the South, and, with 
the slave money in their pockets, rejoiced that they were not 
like the people South, and as Pilate did (figuratively) they took 
water and washed their hands before the people, saying: "We 
are innocent of the sin of slavery now!" 

Next, from causes already stated, like the crusaders to the 
Holy Land, the fanatical crowd came down South, and took the 
slaves that they once owned and sold from the purchasers, and 
forced the States to set them free without compensation. By 
this act they took over $3,000,000,000 worth of private property 
from the owners — the greatest robbery ever committed on earth. 

In the common courts of the country it has been adjudged, I 
believe, that the thief is a greater criminal than the receiver of 
the stolen property; but w T hen the thieves steal the same prop- 
erty a second time, what should the sentence of the court be? 
Of that crime the North stands convicted. 

There is a higher power than any established by man. 

"God moves in a mysterious way 
His wonders to perform." 

In days of old he arraigned nations before his august court, and 
they lived or perished at his will. The day is not far distant 
when the South, at his command and in his own way, will arise 
from their down-trodden condition, to the surprise of their op- 



Appendix. 395 

pressors. Her fields will blossom as the rose, the busy hum of 
industry will be heard in the land, and the commercial sails of 
the world will ride on the waters of the Gulf of Mexico and the 
Caribbean Sea, plying to South America and the Orient through 
the canal that will connect the two great oceans. What position 
then will the New England States hold in the general prosperity 
of the States? Then it will be seen, "Vengeance is mine; I will 
repay, saith the Lord." And even now along the Atlantic sea- 
board great steamers go North mainly laden with articles made 
from wood, lumber, pig iron, cotton goods, fruit, and the great 
metropolitan hotels and the people generally depend on the field* 
and gardens of the South for their vegetables half the year; and 
so it goes on in arithmetical progression of increase. 

Leaving out the negroes, the South has a homogeneous popu- 
lation; the solidarity of the nation will rest on her. In 1861 
there was less than one foreigner to the hundred in the popula- 
tion of North Carolina, while in the West it ranged from thirty 
to sixty per cent. (See census reports.) The cities of Chicago 
and New York contain a population which will be found to be a 
conglomeration of all the peoples on the face of the earth— with 
their political ideas, their morality, their vices, their language, 
and their religion — and on no question will they agree unless 
purchased for a price, as a business transaction, for money, and 
"the love of money is the root of all evil," and the history of 
Rome will be repeated. 

Historians estimate the number of slaves carried from Africa 
to the Americas and the West Indies Islands to have been from 
eight to twelve millions, out of which number about five hun- 
dred thousand died or were killed at sea, and their bodies were 
thrown overboard. And now let the sin of slavery rest on the 
North or the South, as it will finally be declared by the consen- 
sus of public opinion, when investigation discloses and proclaims 
the horrible cruelty of the Northern slave owners who brought 
them here, and contrast it with the amelioration of their condition 
and their advancement in intelligence and morality acquired by 
the teaching of the best men and women in the South. This- 
opinion will be recorded. 

The negro, as sold by his first owner, was a stupid animal 
speaking a jabbering lingo; he was now taught and trained in 
civilization until he was adjudged by the North, when set free,. 



396 Two Wars. 

capable to perform all the duties pertaining to the high official 
positions to which the United States government did appoint him 
or his brother negroes elected him. Yes. under the teachings and 
training of their owners on the plantations and in the cities, while 
slaves, they were converted from fetichism to Christianity, and 
from cannibalism to gentility of living, and their beastly nature 
curbed by moral surroundings and force of example: and now. 
to humiliate the Southern people, who were disfranchised, politi- 
cal plans were arranged to have negro Senators elected instead of 
whites, and from Mississippi two negroes were occupying at dif- 
ferent periods seats in the United States Senate chamber. Their 
names were Revels and Bruce. The latter I have seen riding 
through my plantation. From Senator he became Register of 
the Treasury of the United States, a position long held by my 
friend. Gen. W. S. Rosecrans, United States army. 

( )ut of the three million soldiers that were in the United Slate- 
army, there were not as many discharged soldiers holding office 
in the South in 1869 as there were ex-slaves out of the four hun- 
dred thousand negro men ebgible to office. This indicates either 
the soldiers' unfitness for office, or that the selection of uegroes 
was made to humiliate the people of the South. 

It may be asked: Whence came Christianity among the slaves '. 
Did it come by nature? No, nature is uniform in her laws, and 
developed no Christianity among the negroes in Africa, or else- 
where when left to themselves; hence it came by teaching, for 
on Sundays the master and mistress, nurse and children, in the 
carriage were always escorted to church by the young men on 
horseback, dressed in their clean and besl attire, where all wor- 
shiped together in the Lord's house. Also, on many plantations. 
clergymen were maintained with ample compensation by two or 
three neighboring planters to preach the gospel to their people. 

Whence came qualifications for business, unless taught by their 
owners? Reading, writing, and arithmetic do not come by birth, 
and the peasant and the prince alike have to study to compre- 
hend even "the rule of three." 

It is not pleasant to refer to the want of information among the 
common people in the North and West in regard to the real rela- 
tion of the bondsmen to their owners, or to the ignorance of the 
masses of the nations of Europe on this question. In Europe they 
had a foretaste of freedom in 1848: but slavery in the United 



Appesdix. 397 

Stato> was a sealed letter to them all. For the North there is 
this excuse: the almost nonintercourse between the North and 
the South precluded personal observation, and they were taught 
in the schools, in the lecture room, from the rostrum and the 
pulpit, by the press in every village, town, and city all over the 
land, to believe the fabulous accounts of the ills of slavery to be 
true, and that the slave owners were cruel, illiterate, uncultured, 
and had "plantation manners,'* unlit for association with the 
immaculate people of the North. The populace of the North 
learned nothing from the utter failure of the advent of John 
Brown in Virginia, where slaves tied from him with horror and 
left him to his deserved fate: on the contrary, he was by the 
North held up as a saint who gave his life for freedom's cause. 

Far and wide the abolition and free-soil party preached a cru- 
sade against the people of the South to liberate the slaves, and 
Mr. Beecher's picture shows to what low means they stooped to 
awaken enthusiasm for their cause. It spread to Europe, and 
when tliey commenced the war the illiterate masses there joined 
in the crusade against the South, as they did to rescue the holy 
sepulcher from the hands of the infidel, on which occasion, 
Proctor in his "History of the Crusades" says, "the Welsh- 
man forgot his hunting, the Scot his companionship with ver- 
min, the Dane his carouse, and the Norwegian his raw fish," in 
their fanatical desire to reach Jerusalem; and so again the 
Welshman, the Scot, the Norwegian, the Daue, the German, 
and the rest of Europe came over here to enlist as substitutes in 
the Federal army in its crusade against the institution of slavery 
which was founded by their ancestors. 

Herod the Great, an Idumean, to secure the throne of Jeru- 
salem to the Idumean line of Jews, murdered his wife, the beau- 
tiful Mariamne, and his tw T o sons by her. They were handsome, 
had been educated in Rome, were very accomplished, and beloved 
by the Jewish people; but as they were, through their mother, 
of the Asmonean line of Jews, Herod condemned them to death 
t<» secure the succession as he desired. When the war between 
the States ended, the white people of the Confederacy were in 
the way of the line of succession of the radical party to maintain 
office; so they were disfranchised, and a new race was made cit- 
izens to take their place: they were the late negro slaves, the 
pets and "wards of the nation!" 



398 Two Wars. 

Now, when it was told to Augustus Ca?sar that Herod had mur- 
dered his two sons by Mariamne, he said that "it was better to 
be one of Herod's pigs than one of his sons;" and so when the 
white people of the South were politically murdered, many of 
their friends said: "It were better to be a ' ward qftht nation ' 
than a son of the Confederacy.'- These cruel proceedings have 
been condemned by all the civilized nations of Europe, and will 
be condemned by the impartial historians of the North when 
passions shall have subsided. 

The enslaving of the negro race in the colonies — and which 
was largely confined to those called Southern, and almost entire- 
ly to them after the ending of the slave trade — placed the white 
people of the colonies on a higher and broader plane and re- 
leased them from the daily struggle after the "almighty dollar." 

The busy minds of the Northern people were constantly more 
and more given to trade and traffic, while those of the South 
turned to the enjoyment of a home life; freed from restraint 
and care, they practiced the amenities of social life, with honor, 
truth, and charity to all. Strange as it may appear, a civiliza- 
tion — based on slave labor, that was tolerant in religion, that 
encouraged freedom of thought, led their minds to the contem- 
plation of the rights given man by his Creator when he breathed 
the breath of life into his body as he came into this world — re- 
sulted in prompting these men to embody their views on this 
question of divine right in the Mecklenburg Declaration, made 
in Mecklenburg County, N. C May l ; i». L775, and which was 
substantially expressed again. July 4, 177<'>, in the Declaration 
of Independence, read in Philadelphia. 

And so it was from the thoughtful minds of these quiet slave 
owners came these two proclamations: that man was indued, or 
horn, with certain "inalienable lights" derived from his Maker 

namely, '"life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." These 
\\ ere some of the developments of a civilisation based on slavery. 

To secure these rights unto themselves, after the Confedera- 
tion, they framed the Constitution of the United States, but un- 
fortunately it was established on a compromise thai was left for. 
t'uturitv to interpret; and disagreement on this matter led to se- 
cession as a solution and last resort. 

Passing by the particular events of the war between the State-, 
it may not he unprofitable to inquire what was the -difference in 




JOSEPH K. BROWN. 



Appendix. 401 

the developments of the two civilizations that followed the for- 
mation and establishment of the Constitution; the North by it- 
self, free, and the South with her peculiar institutions. By 
their fruits ye must judge them. 

There were seventeen Presidents anterior to President Grant, 
out of which number eleven were Southern born, and six the 
product of free soil, if we include John Adams. In jurispru- 
dence, the South gave us a Marshall; in the forum they need 
no mention, as statesmen they have but few peers; among dip- 
lomats, John Laurens, of South Carolina, a member of Wash- 
ington's staff, special Minister to France, stands preeminent; in 
the darkest hour of our struggle, at the court of Louis XIV., he 
saved the colonies and turned the tide of war in our favor. 

In the field we have Washington, Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and 
Forrest. For an honest opinion of Gen. Lee and his soldiers, 
see Theodore Roosevelt's life of T. H. Benton: there he stands 
peerless. Those who desire to learn more about Col. John 
Laurens may read the December number of Mc CI ares Maga- 
zine (1899). 

Such are some of the fruits of a civilization that has passed 
away. 

When I survey the past, and from it make prophecy of the 
future, I am as candid in saying I rejoice that slavery is no more 
as I am in condemning the brutal manner in which it was abol- 
ished; and nevertheless I am as sincere in my love of my whole 
country as I am imbued with dislike to that class of people who 
out of hatred precipitated that war on the Southern people out 
of envy because they imagined that the planters were a more 
favored people than they themselves were. 

A Roman consul was never accorded a triumph for a victory 
in civil war, nor were the spoils of war his. But after this civil 
war, as it is termed, ended, the emblems of victory have waved 
in triumph in our faces, and are carefully preserved instead of 
being hidden away, and the universal looting has enriched the 
soldiers' homes with the spoils of war. Senator Charles Sum- 
ner wanted the captured flags returned. 

War is not barbarous, nor is it "hell;" it is just what parties 

choose to make it. When confined to the enlisted troops it is 

seldom cruel. Hell is an expression adopted to silence argument 

on the cruel manner in which the United States government 

26 



402 Two Wars. 

prosecuted the war: when this subject is mentioned we are 
silenced by the declaration, O well, "war is hell any way." 

To cover up his own iniquities, Gen. Sherman said: " War is 
hell." 

During the war with Mexico I was with Gen. Taylor from 
Corpus Christ! to Buena Vista, and during that period heard of 
but one case of robbery, and that was at Papagallos, on the march 
to Monterey. There a soldier stole a chicken. Seeing a crowd 
of officers in the street, I rode up to ascertain the cause. 

Gen. Taylor had dismounted. There was the offender: he 
was severely reprimanded and placed under guard. Turning to 
the accuser — an old woman — the General gave her some silver 
coin in payment for her chicken. That war was not hell. 

When Richard Cceur de Lion was ill in Palestine the Islam 
commander, Saladin, "sent him the choicest fruits and refresh- 
ment of snow during the burning heat of summer; and at the 
siege of Jaffa, Saphadan, the Mohammedan chief, observing 
Richard dismounted, sent him two Arabian horses, on one of 
which he continued the conflict until nightfall. He further so- 
licited and obtained from Richard the honor of knighthood for 
his son." This was not much like hell. 

Again, Richard promulgated, like Gen. W. T. Sherman, reg- 
ulations for the government of his troops. "A thief was to have 
his head shaved, to be tarred and feathered. 1 '' Had Sherman 
issued and enforced an order like this, the sight of his troops 
would have frightened all the inhabitants out of Savannah. 



Our Unknown Dead. 

Extract from an Address of Gen. S. G. French Made to the V ('. 
V. Camp, No. 54, Orlando. Fla., Jink 3, 1893. 

Comrades: The solemn ceremony of Decoration Day has been 
performed. The few graves, alike of the Confederate and the 
Union soldiers that rest in our cemetery, have been decorated 
with floral offerings, and the cause that so few of the Confed- 
erate dead sleep where loving kindred can care for them inclines 
me to say a few words in regard to the unknown dead. 

From Dalton down to Atlanta, and around that city, there 
was one continuous conflict for one hundred days, and not a day 



Appendix. 403 

passed without some troops being engaged, and so the dead were 
left throughout a hundred miles on either side, resting where 
they fell. 

If we turn to the east again, we find that Gen. Grant crossed 
the Rapidan May 4. L864, and, taking the direct line to Rich- 
mond, immediately the battle of the Wilderness followed, and 
he announced that he was going "to light it out on that line if 
it took all summer." A few days after came the battle of Spott- 
sylvania, and June 1 that of Cold Harbor, where the Federal 
troops refused to make a second attack. 

In these three great and sanguinary battles the commander of 
the Union forces did not meet with success, and so on the first 
day of summer he left that line and swung around, as McClellan 
did. to the James river. After Cold Harbor it seems as if there 
was no desire for another general engagement, and the hammer- 
ing away mode of war commenced on Lee. On July 18, 1864, 
President Lincoln called for live hundred thousand more men, 
and so the detrition process went on for nine months, mainly on 
and near the picket line, being in all nearly eleven mouths and 
a half that Lee confronted Grant's hosts of men. and over all this 
extent of country lay the blue and the gray side by side in death. 
Devastation, as, in the Palatinate, had done its work. 

Now when the war ended, the Federal government, with 
commendable zeal, very humanely collected most of its dead 
and had their remains removed to. its beautiful cemeteries, and 
there keeps green the sod and fresh the flowers on their graves. 

There was no Confederate government to collect and care for 
the remains of the Confederate dead. Along the banks of the 
' 'Father of Waters" for more than a thousand miles the inhabitan ts 
tread unawares over the unknown graves of those who battled 
for the South. Along the shores of the Potomac, the Rappa- 
hannock, and the James wave the golden harvests on soil en- 
riched by their blood and moldering dust. There the grapes 
grow more luscious and the wine is redder. From the capes 
of the Chesapeake adown the stormy Atlantic, and trending 
around the Gulf, rest thousands of our dead; or go to the heights 
of Allatoona, to Lookout's lofty peak, or Kennesaw Mountain's 
top, and you may seek in vain where the dead rest. Time, with 
the relentless force of the elements, has obliterated all traces of 
their graves from human eye; they are known only to Him who 



404 Two Wars. 

can tell where Moses sleeps in "a vale in the land of Moab." 
So the forgotten are not forgot, the Hand that made the thun- 
der's home comes down every spring and paints with bright col- 
ors the little wild flowers that grow over their resting places, 
and they are bright on Decoration Day. The rosy morn an- 
nounces first to them that the night is gone, and when the day is 
past and the landscape veiled with evening's shade, high on the 
mountain top the last ray of the setting sun lovingly lingers 
longest, loath to leave the lonely place where the bright-eyed 
children of the Confederacy rest in death. 

And wherefore did they die? They fell in defense of their homes, 
their families, their country, and those civil rights arising from 
that liberty God gave man as a heritage in the beginning. They 
furnished to their country much that will be noble in history, 
wonderful in story, tender in song, and a large share of that 
glory which will claim the admiration of mankind. We can to- 
day place no wreaths of immortelles on their unknown graves, 
yet we can rest assured that the echoes of posterity will render 
their deeds illustrious. 

And now, as I look back on the past and recall to mind your 
trials and sufferings — which will be forgotten — I am sure the 
world will not forget that your valor merited a success which 
is better now than to have achieved it. 




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